To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
This chapter clarifies the substantive scope and core content of the right to science as enshrined in Art. 15 ICESCR. By employing a reverse-engineering methodology grounded in the core obligations identified by the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in General Comment No. 25, the chapter systematically derives the core rights of the right to science. The analysis identifies four distinct yet interrelated substantive rights: the right to enjoy the benefits of scientific progress and its applications (Art. 15(1)(b) ICESCR; the right to the conservation, development and diffusion of science (Art. 15(2) ICESCR); freedom of science (Art. 15(3) ICESCR); the right to international scientific ollaboration (Art. 15(4) ICESCR) and the right to equality and non-discrimination in science. Each dimension incorporates essential, immediately enforceable core rights, which constitute the non-derogable nucleus of the right to science, thereby making them inherently justiciable irrespective of resource limitations. The findings contribute to bridging gaps between theoretical frameworks and practical adjudication, enhancing the protection and realisation of the right to science.
This chapter argues that processes of racialisation have been radically transformed by large-scale data-processing techniques that use algorithmic sorting, identification, and classification. These techniques employ what we call “proxy logics”: using implicit forms of feedback and complex statistical transformations on data to sort individuals into contingent groupings or clusters. In these instances, race is ascribed not through modes of identification grounded in the body (via phenotype or genotype) or through cultural ascriptions (self-identification and processes of belonging), but by latent associations between data features (i.e. proxy indicators). To cluster individuals into groups, such systems don’t discern our “identity.” Rather, they draw inferences and approximations, creating clusters that group people together not on “common characteristics, or meeting specified criteria” but on “a spatialised proximity or distance” (Amoore, 2021, p. 6). We contend that these new techniques for constituting race require a new politics of identity: a “politics of proximity.”
There have been only a few surveys of radical economics and of those most have focused on a specific topic in economic literature. In the first years of the Union for Radical Political Economics (URPE) there were several proposals of definition of radical economics, including a foundational reliance on Marxian economics, the elaboration of an anti-marginalist paradigm, or the idealization of a radical scholar-activist. After an early enthusiasm, attempts at this kind of normative work fell away. Instead what drove radical work forward was critique and adaptation from pre-existing work in economics, particularly with respect to labor markets and its stratification. With labor issues often at its core, radical extended work into the analysis of education, gender, and the firm. Efforts to bring these strands of work together took a distinctively institutional flavour, not with the label of paradigm or radical, but as social structures of accumulation. The chapter concludes by examining radical textbooks and how they recorded the evolution and contributions of radical research.
The primary threat of AI is not a dystopian uprising, but the quiet, rational surrender of human autonomy for convenience. While existing risks like discrimination and disinformation are concerning, another profound danger is one we willingly embrace: a life optimized by AI. As we delegate increasingly consequential decisions – from career paths to personal relationships – to demonstrably superior AI systems, we become meat puppets, happier and healthier, yet stripped of meaningful agency. The chapter argues that this philosophical loss, driven by the competitive pressure to optimize our lives, likely cannot be curbed by regulation and will be the defining, irreversible tragedy of the AI age.
An important aspect of the developmental pathway for international adoptees involves issues of self-identification and the formation of a cultural–social identity. This chapter will review existing literature and highlight key challenges related to identity development among international adoptees. A major focus within this research is transracial adoption, which will also be discussed. Special attention will be given to practices aimed at fostering identity, including partial identification with the country of birth through linguistic and cultural connections.
This chapter discusses the development of international law in the post-war era that aimed to liberate global information flow to guarantee world peace. It starts by discussing the achievements and failures of the 1948 Geneva conference on the freedom of information and considers two avenues in which the post-war project of freedom of information continued after the 1948 conference. First, in the drafting of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, freedom of information as a peace project became framed into a fundamental human right, displacing the question about the material and interstate aspects of freedom of information. Second, freedom of information was addressed in forums of international telecommunication and trade dominated by the United States, where freedom of information became equated with the elimination of discriminatory telecommunication rates to enable American global trade. This chapter shows a division of labour and crucial conceptual compatibility between the human rights framing and free trade framing of freedom of information and multiple fault lines surrounding the early intimation of the dual-sided framework.
Chapter 5 reviews the tensions that arise between the Liberal ideology’s broader goal of establishing and enforcing the rule of law, including sovereign equality, and states’ perennial interest in using trade as an instrument of influence. The multilateral system is founded upon a bedrock principle of non-discrimination, and yet statesmen have a natural desire to treat allies better than adversaries. The chapter explores how philosophers and statesmen manage these tensions in theory and in practice, distinguishing first between the ideas on the left and the right and then between the strategies of the British and American hegemons. This introduction to the two leaders’ differing objectives and styles sets up the detailed histories that follow.
Chapter 3 summarizes that doctrine’s three variants, emphasizing how the current iteration hearkens back to the original article by appealing to the interests of the most powerful states. Major elements in the latest version of Mercantilism emerged as a US response to the competitive challenge from Japan. Although this proved to be an overreaction, it did set important precedents for the discriminatory measures – both positive and negative – that Washington would later use in its trade war with Beijing.
This paper reports on a 2019 survey of employer perceptions of the productivity, costs, and net value of older workers relative to younger ones, replicating a similar 2006 effort. The key result of the 2019 survey is that older workers have good prospects for extending their careers. Although older workers are seen as costlier, they are also seen as more productive. Overall, the overwhelming majority of employers said older workers were ‘as attractive’ or ‘more attractive’ than younger workers. The main finding from a comparison of the 2019 and 2006 results is an improvement in employer perceptions of support workers.
This essay explores the intersection of race and the field of war and society in U.S. history. Centering race as a critical fault line, it examines how racial identities, hierarchies, and constructions have shaped—and been shaped by—U.S. experiences of war, both during and beyond moments of active conflict. While race is the central focus, the essay also considers how gender, ethnicity, and class intersect with it. These interconnected forces help define not only who is recognized within "society" but also how war is waged, experienced, and remembered. By analyzing key historiographic debates, the essay considers how scholarship on race has contributed to a deeper, more complex understanding of the war and society field. It also argues that race-based inquiry challenges conventional definitions of war and society, expanding them beyond state-sanctioned actors and discrete wartime events to include long-term, systemic forms of violence and resistance. In doing so, the essay highlights the co-productive relationship between war and society and how race reshapes our understanding of both.
Pacific peoples disproportionately experience health and social complexity that contributes to poorer health outcomes compared to those of the total population in New Zealand. The Pacific healthcare workforce plays a critical role in providing health care, influencing service delivery and system design that can reduce health inequities for Pacific communities. Pacific nursing specifically has been recognised as critical in delivering and assisting with the design of culturally appropriate and equitable healthcare services that can positively contribute to addressing these disparities. This chapter will provide insights to deepen nurses’ understanding of Pacific peoples in New Zealand and support reflective practice as part of continued professional development. Culturally safe care enhances the ability to provide clinically safe practice and is a continual process of reflection and applied critical thinking.
Discrimination measures do not capture experiences specific to people who were transracially and transnationally adopted. Using a small measurement approach, a new seventeen-item measure of transracial, transnational adoption discrimination encompassing three dimensions – ethnic and racial discrimination, coethnic discrimination (i.e., cultural exclusion from being Korean), and adoption discrimination – was administered to 155 Korean American young adults. We conducted a confirmatory factor analysis, tested for demographic differences, and performed correlation and multiple linear regression analyses to establish validity. The three-factor model of discrimination demonstrated good fit, and the subscale scores had good internal reliability. All three discrimination subscales were significantly correlated with one another. Ethnic and racial discrimination correlated with ethnic and adoptive identity subscales except ethnic identity exploration; coethnic discrimination correlated with ethnic identity affirmation and adoptive identity; and adoption discrimination did not correlate with any identity subscales. Ethnic and racial discrimination was related to psychological distress.
This chapter provides a critical reflection on past and current research on ethnic and racial discrimination and youth development with recommendations for future research directions. First and foremost, I emphasize the need for positionality, reflexivity, and representational ethics to avoid advancing false or problematic narratives and to advance research that is more transparent and accountable. It also is necessary to distinguish and better contextualize ethnic discrimination (rooted in ethnocentrism) and racial discrimination (rooted in modern imperialism and White supremacy) rather than conflate these two constructs and measure them in ahistorical ways. These considerations require researchers to select or develop critically appropriate measurement tools, moving beyond commonly used measures that may not be relevant or appropriate to all racialized groups. Ethnic and racial discrimination during youth development requires special considerations, as discrimination coincides with identity formation and pubertal development. Yet there remains limited research on the ways in which these developmental tasks and experiences interplay. Given the complexities of how ethnic and racial discrimination manifest during youth development, researchers may want to consider novel methods like storytelling to embody discriminatory experiences and strengthen ecological validity.
I argue against John, Millum and Wasserman’s position that telic prioritarianism justifies morally acceptable discrimination against persons with disabilities. I propose alternative considerations that explain why disability discrimination in the lifesaving cases JMW discuss is morally problematic.
Chapter 1 examines what mental illness stigma is and analyzes the components of mental illness stigma to show how people with mental illness experience stigma in their daily lives. These components include labeling, stereotyping, prejudice, moral distancing, social exclusion, status loss, dehumanization, microaggressions, discrimination, and epistemic injustice. In each case, I use empirical evidence from the social psychology literature on stigma to show ways in which people with mental illness experience these forms of stigma. Next, I look at factors that affect the kind, degree, and scope of stigma associated with mental illness, including beliefs, political values, cultural values, socioeconomic status, education, and gender. Finally, I examine how many people experience compounding stigmas that come from multiple sources.
Chapter 6 examines what makes discrimination and microaggressions (as a form of discrimination) wrongful. Discrimination involves differential treatment where some people are treated in different, unequal, and worse ways compared to others, and where that differential treatment is based on possessing a socially undesirable trait that marks a person as bad and inferior. Discrimination is wrongful because it harms people in a variety of ways, impacting their circumstances, resources and opportunities, options, agency, autonomy, and well-being. It causes material disadvantage and distributive injustice that denies people access to resources and opportunities and prevents them from having the basic goods necessary to participation in society. It also demeans people and leads to unfair subordination, loss of deliberative freedom, and decreased autonomy. This chapter reviews the philosophical literature on discrimination to provide a pluralistic account of the many harms discrimination and microaggressions cause to people with mental illness, which altogether make discrimination wrongful.
The introduction motivates the book’s arguments by showing how mental illness stigma remains pervasive despite greater awareness of mental health issues and more resources directed at mental health treatment and destigmatization. The forms of mental illness stigma most commonly expressed are stigma against people with severe mental illness who are perceived as homeless, and internalized stigma that people with mental illness project onto themselves. Mental illness stigma arises as a reaction to the violation of social norms of what a human being should be in the Western world in the twenty-first century. I give an account of stigma as the devaluing and discrediting of a person based on possessing a social trait that is seen as violating social norms, constituting a relationship of power. Components of stigma include labeling, stereotyping, prejudice, moral distancing, social exclusion, status loss, dehumanization, microaggressions, discrimination, and epistemic injustice. The chapter ends with a description of the book’s scope, methodology, and chapter outline.
Chapter 7 begins with a discussion of how colonialism and the climate issue in the MENA are strongly linked, and how this relationship affects not only development trajectories, but also the status of the climate as a policy area and women’s representation. The second part of the chapter covers Othering, that is, the portrayal of women as vulnerable victims or saviours, focusing on the dangers of feminizing vulnerability and responsibility, whilst also showcasing how Othering of women in the Global South occurs among female parliamentarians in the MENA. In terms of the global climate crisis, this has led to a situation where the climate issue is not prioritized as much as it could be if the female parliamentarians were more accountable to the electorate and identified more strongly with a broader group of women, that is, beyond the narrow elite segment of the population from which they themselves were recruited. At present, those that are the most passionate about combatting the climate crisis are the youth, whereas those who stand to gain the most are marginalized women — two groups that are nothing like the female parliamentarians, who are supposed to act in their interest.
In Employment Division v. Smith (1990), the U.S. Supreme Court held that neutral and generally applicable laws would no longer receive strict scrutiny review. Many feared that Smith had severely truncated the protection of the First Amendment Free Exercise Clause. Three years later, however, in a controversial Santerian slaughtering case, Douglas Laycock persuaded a unanimous Supreme Court in Church of Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. City of Hialeah to highlight an important limitation on the Smith neutrality standard. Both “masked as well as overt” government hostility, targeting, or discrimination against religion are constitutionally “suspect,” Lukumi made clear. Recent Supreme Court free exercise cases have emphasized this limitation. Over the past decade, the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union are replaying the same story that played out in the U.S. Supreme Court in the 1980s and 1990s and have gradually weakened their religious freedom provisions into a guarantee of government neutrality alone. In their most recent cases, these pan-European high courts have upheld blatantly discriminatory regulations of Muslim and Jewish ritual slaughtering, favoring animal welfare over religious freedom. These courts need to take a lesson from Laycock’s argument in Lukumi that neutrality requires states not to take sides for or against religion and not to uphold laws that have the mere pretense of neutrality while targeting the core practices of religious minorities.
Do exclusionary signals push ethnic minorities out of politics or mobilize them to politically act together? We study this question with a novel survey experiment among Muslim Turks in Germany that randomized videos of anti-Muslim hate-crime reports (social exclusion) and of an anti-Muslim far-right party’s electoral gains (political exclusion). We find that both treatments increase intended political participation, heighten in-group solidarity, and shift vote intentions toward left-wing parties. Crucially, these effects are concentrated among highly integrated Muslims, the very group that prevailing theories of integration predict to be least inclined toward ethnic voting. This pattern suggests that integration is not only a matter of individual resources or time in the host country; it also depends on how the majority treats minority communities. These findings highlight the role of public rejection signals in shaping political behavior, underscoring that even well-integrated citizens may mobilize collectively and support parties they perceive as more protective.