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Recent increases in homophobic and transphobic harassment, hate crimes, anti-lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, gender nonconforming, and queer (LGBTQ+) legislation, and discrimination in healthcare toward LGBTQ+ persons require urgent attention.
This study describes seriously ill LGBTQ+ patients’ and partners’ experiences of discriminatory care delivered by healthcare providers.
Methods
Qualitative data from a mixed-methods study using an online survey were analyzed using a grounded theory approach. Seriously ill LGBTQ+ persons, their spouses/partners and widows were recruited from a wide range of organizations serving the LGBTQ+ community. Respondents were asked to describe instances where they felt they received poor care from a healthcare provider because they were LGBTQ+.
Results
Six main themes emerged: (1) disrespectful care; (2) inadequate care; (3) abusive care; (4) discriminatory care toward persons who identify as transgender; (5) discriminatory behaviors toward partners; and (6) intersectional discrimination. The findings provide evidence that some LGBTQ+ patients receive poor care at a vulnerable time in their lives. Transgender patients experience unique forms of discrimination that disregard or belittle their identity.
Significance of Results
Professional associations, accrediting bodies, and healthcare organizations should set standards for nondiscriminatory, respectful, competent, safe and affirming care for LGBTQ+ patients. Healthcare organizations should implement mechanisms for identifying problems and ensuring nondiscrimination in services and employment; safety for patients and staff; strategies for outreach and marketing to the LGBTQ+ community, and ongoing staff training to ensure high quality care for LGBTQ+ patients, partners, families, and friends. Policy actions are needed to combat discrimination and disparities in healthcare, including passage of the Equality Act by Congress.
In 2023 the Supreme Court of Mauritius cited human rights and public health arguments to strike down a colonial-era law criminalizing consensual same-sex sex. The parliament of Singapore recently did the same through legislative means. Are these aberrations or a shifting global consensus? This article documents a remarkable shift international legal shift regarding LGBTQ+ sexuality. Analysis of laws from 194 countries across multiple years demonstrates a clear, ongoing trend toward decriminalization globally. Where most countries criminalized same-sex sexuality in the 1980s, now two-thirds of countries do not criminalize under law. Additionally, 28 criminalizing countries in 2024 demonstrate a de facto policy of non-enforcement, a milestone towards legal change that all of the countries that have fully decriminalized since 2017 have taken. This has important public health effects, with health law lessons for an era of multiple pandemics. But amidst this trend, the reverse is occurring in some countries, with a counter-trend toward deeper, harsher criminalization of LGBTQ+ sexuality. Case studies of Angola, Singapore, India, Botswana, Mauritius, Cook Islands, Gabon, and Antigua and Barbuda show many politically- and legally-viable pathways to decriminalization and highlight actors in the executive, legislative, and judicial arenas of government and civil society engaged in legal change.
We analyze a formal model of social contact and discrimination in the context of policing. Officers decide how to interact with members of two social groups while working and while socializing. The officers do not fully distinguish between their experiences of crime across these two contexts (“coarse thinking”), so they end up with excessively positive views of groups they socialize with and excessively negative views of those they police. This creates dual feedback loops as officers choose to socialize more with groups they view favorably and over-police those they view as “more criminal.” Interventions that induce positive contact with an overpoliced group can mitigate the officer’s discriminatory policing. However, this beneficial effect only persists if the policy intervention creates sustained positive contact. Our results provide a novel theoretical microfoundation for the contact hypothesis and highlight why effects of many policy interventions aimed at increasing positive contact may be short-lived.
The definition of genocide in the 1948 Convention requires that at least one of the punishable acts listed in the paragraphs of article II be committed with the specific intent or dolus specialis to destroy the protected group. This high threshold is often difficutl to prove, notably when the evidence of intent is essentially circumstantial and based upon infererences drawn from a pattern of conduct. International courts and tribunals have taken the view that this intent must be to destroy the group physically, rejecting an approach whereby it is sufficient to deprive the group of its culture, its language or its ancestral territory. The definition accepts that the intended destruction be ’in whole or in part’, to which case law has added the requirement that this be a ’substantial part’. The words ’as such’ conclude the definitiion; they have been considered to point to a requirement of racist or discriminatory motive.
The use of religious symbols has sparked heated debate and numerous judicial cases across Europe. Early case law from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has been criticised for allegedly employing biased discourses. However, it remains unclear whether such biased discourses are present in recent ECtHR rulings or in comparable decisions by the European Court of Justice (ECJ). This article applies Critical Discourse Analysis, a linguistic and social science approach, to examine the narratives used by the ECtHR and ECJ in cases involving religious symbols. It argues that religious and gender biases are pervasive in ECtHR judgements. While the ECJ generally employs neutral language, biased discourses occasionally emerge in the ‘subtext’ of its decisions. These biases are not incidental but serve as strategic tools within judicial narratives, reinforcing the argumentative legitimacy of rulings for audiences influenced by societal prejudices.
This article estimates several causal counterfactual parameters of the effect of being an Historically Black College/University (HBCU) on college/university endowment, and on the probability of a college/university failing as a function of its financial health, which is proportional to endowment. Our various counterfactual causal parameter decomposition estimates suggest that the racial distinctiveness of HBCUs causes, and can account for cumulative HBCU/non-HBCU endowment disparities between $11.5 billion and $58.9 billion for the HBCUs in our estimating sample. This is consistent with, at least in part, racial discrimination against HBCUs in philanthropic endowment contributions/gifts. With respect to failure, as HBCU status contributes to higher failure probabilities that are a function of college/university financial health, reducing the HBCU/non-HBCU endowment disparity would also enhance the ability of HBCUs to continuously exist. We suggest two public policy interventions to close the endowment disparity. First, increase the tax subsidy for contributions/gifts to HBCUs relative to non-HBCUs, as a way to incentivize more gifts to HBCUs from wealthy foundations and individuals. Secondly, to the extent that the wealth of HBCU alumni—who give back to their alma mater at higher rates than their non-HBCU peers—has been constrained due to the legacy of Slavery and discrimination, a distribution of reparations to the descendants of Black American Slaves would close Black-White wealth disparities that could translate into larger endowment contributions/gifts from HBCU alumni.
Many of our pressing questions about price personalization concern its current practice and potential regulations. We could be tempted to move directly to those hard questions because many – but not all – consumers, scholars, and regulators already believe with some confidence that price personalization harms consumers or treats them unfairly. In this chapter, I pause to unpack intuitions about harm and unfairness and consider systematically what the normative problems with price personalization might be so that our understanding can inform what we look for in existing practice and what we aim to achieve with new regulations.
In an unprecedented ruling, in 2018, the Brazilian Consumer Protection Authority applied a fine to a popular online travel company named Decolar.com for allegedly favouring foreign consumers over Brazilian residents during the 2016 Olympics held in Rio de Janeiro. The accusation was that Decolar.com had offered hotel reservations at different prices according to the consumer’s location as identified through their internet protocol address, or IP address.
To our knowledge, this is the only case thus far in Brazil that reviewed the practice of charging different prices from different consumers based on their specific characteristics.
We seek to unpack and complicate traditional findings of Black Americans’ ambivalent progressivism of immigrants and immigration by seriously considering gender as an analytic tool. Specifically, we aim to highlight how Black women’s political and social uniqueness contextualizes their perception of attitudes toward immigrants and immigration. We argue that Black women’s unique race and gendered experiences inform Black women’s attitudes and preferences regarding immigration and immigrants. Further, we take their heterogeneity seriously because Black women are not a monolith. Using the 2020 Collaborative Multiracial Post-election Survey (CMPS), we argue that perceptions of shared disadvantage, high levels of woman of color (WoC) linked fate and intersectional solidarity, and strong Democratic identification will positively influence African American women and Black immigrant women’s progressive attitudes toward immigrants and immigration compared to Black women who have lower levels of shared discrimination, WoC linked fate, intersectional solidarity, or have weak Democratic identification.
This article focuses on three of Tsushima Yūko's later works. It examines Tsushima's criticism of Japanese ruling policy, especially aboriginal policies in colonial Taiwan, in All Too Barbarian. The second, Reed Boat, Flying, exposes the repressed history of how, just after Japan's defeat in the Second World War, Japanese women returning from Manchuria who were raped by Russian or other foreign soldiers were forced into having abortions.Wildcat Dome, written after the 3.11 disasters, discloses how the inter-racial children born between Japanese women and American soldiers were discriminated against in postwar Japan.
We investigate the emergence of discrimination in an experiment where individuals affiliated to different groups compete for a monetary prize, submitting independent bids to an auctioneer. The auctioneer receives perfect information about the bids (there is no statistical discrimination), and she has no monetary incentive to favor the members of her own group (the bidders are symmetric). We observe nonetheless some discrimination by auctioneers, who tend to assign the prize more frequently to a member of their own group when two or more players put forward the highest bid. Out-group bidders react to this bias and reduce significantly their bids, causing an average decay of their earnings throughout the game, with cumulative effects that generate unequal outcomes. Because the initial bias is costless, such mechanism can survive even in a competitive market, providing a rationale for the long-run persistence of discrimination.
We report on an experiment using video technology to study effects of communication on donations to and discrimination between potential receivers. The experimental design eliminates strategic factors by allowing two receivers to unilaterally communicate with an anonymous dictator before the latter decides on her gifts. Through the use of three communication setups (none, audio, and audio-visual) we analyze purely social effects of communication. A silent video channel leads to discrimination between potential receivers based on impression formation, but does not affect average levels of donations. When the auditory channel is added, average donations increase. The social processes invoked by the visual and audio channels are heterogeneous and communicator-specific but not unsystematic.
We make two main contributions in this article. We examine whether social comparisons affects workers’ performance when a firm can choose workers’ wages or let them choose their own. Firms can delegate the wage decision to neither, one or both workers in the firm. We vary the information workers receive, finding that social comparisons concerning both wages and decision rights affect workers’ performance. Our second contribution is methodological. We find that our treatment effects are present with both stated effort and a real-effort task, which suggests that both approaches may yield similar results in labor experiments.
We present the results of an experiment measuring the impact of low group status and relative group size on trust, trustworthiness and discrimination. Subjects interact with insiders and outsiders in trust games and periodically enter markets where they can trade group membership. Low status and minority subjects have low morale: that is, they comparatively dislike being low status and being minority subjects. Group discrimination against low status and minority subjects is unchanged. However, low status subjects are deferential to high status subjects in terms of comparatively higher trust, and minority subjects are deferential to majority subjects in terms of comparatively higher trustworthiness.
What next for autistics in the academy? In this chapter participants reflect on their career aspirations: the roles they aspire to and their expectations as to whether they will achieve their career goals. For those goals that seem out of reach, this chapter tries to answer the question of whether the barriers are intrinsic to being autistic or are systemic and structural.
Chapter 3 discusses the concepts of discrimination, sexism and childism. It firstly presents the concept of discrimination under international law. Secondly, it explores the notions of sexism and ‘childism’. It discusses paternalism, child liberationism and the challenge of protecting the girl child while promoting her autonomy rights. It studies theories concerning the interests of children as well as the common vulnerability approach, Arnstein and Hart’s ladder of participation, and the possibility of granting autonomy rights to girls at adolescence. Thirdly, it examines the public/private divide at the international and domestic levels and how it impacts the girl child globally. Chapter 3 thereafter explores the notions of universalism and cultural relativism, as well as the evolving meaning of culture, and their significance for the girl child. In this context, the chapter also analyzes the conceptual division between the Global South and the Global North.
This chapter explores the bi-directional challenges of autistics in the academy. Many of the challenges experienced by autistic people in academia are similar to those experienced in other aspects of our lives – dealing with sensory challenges, different processing styles, social interaction, and communication. Other challenges that are inherent to academia include the breadth of activity, the performance and competitive aspects of the role, and complicated institutional politics.
Chapter 6 employs Welby’s Meaning Triad to investigate whether the boundary for the beginning of girlhood should be clearly identified in the international legal framework. It studies the definitions of child under international law and in the English language to assess whether they establish a beginning point for girlhood. It conducts two case studies concerning, respectively, the practice of prenatal sex selection and the right of young and adolescent girls to a safe abortion, to illustrate the significance for girl children of the current boundary for the beginning of girlhood under international law. It studies the sense, meaning and significance of provisions in the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and refers to their respective travaux préparatoires.
In academia, as in any profession, one of the toughest decisions facing an autistic person is whether and when to disclose their diagnosis. On the one hand, disclosure can bring awareness, understanding, and support. On the other, it can bring misunderstanding, stigma, and discrimination. In this chapter participants reflect on their decisions to disclose (or not to disclose) to employers, colleagues, staff, and students – and the impacts of these decisions. This chapter also addresses the issue of masking (hiding their autistic characteristics), including when and why participants feel the need to mask and the impact this has on them.
Dans cet article, nous mobilisons les théories queers afin de réécrire – réimaginer – la décision Centre de lutte contre l’oppression des genres c. Procureur général du Québec. Bien que cet arrêt ait amené certains changements positifs pour les personnes trans et/ou intersexes au Québec, le Tribunal maintient l’obligation d’inscrire une désignation du sexe/genre sur le constat et la déclaration de naissance. Par la méthode de réécriture queer de jugement, nous montrons, interrogeons et déconstruisons comment cette obligation et son interprétation entre en incohérence avec les théories queers, notamment par sa reproduction des normes cishétéronormatives et des conceptions dominantes et binaires des catégories de sexe, de genre et de sexualité.