The arguments of this book are intended to tackle the social injustices faced by people living with dementia, yet reflecting on the author’s social position reveals a tension. As the author is not a member of the social group this book concerns, they are engaging in an act of speaking for others: a practice that has received significant criticism, given the risks of contributing to oppression and stigma through misrepresentation. With this concern in mind, this chapter engages in a reflective exercise about the content of the book, highlighting ways in which the author’s social position may have negatively influenced its content and setting out the steps the author has taken to try to address this.

While much of this book has been focused on describing post-intensive care syndrome (PICS) in objective terms, is if often the personal stories of survivors of critical illness and their loved ones that are so much more revealing than the distance walked during 6 minutes or a score on a cognitive test. It was not until I began seeing patients in my ICU follow-up clinic that I truly appreciated how life-changing an experience surviving critical illness could be. Understanding the real-life impact of the physical, functional, cognitive, psychiatric, and social impairments that those suffering from PICS face is a profoundly moving and motivating experience. For that reason, I wanted to close this book with stories of survivors of critical illness and their loved ones, allowing the reader to synthesize and contextualize the objective data that has heretofore been presented in neatly parsed, individual chapters and to more deeply appreciate how that data translates into a much more impactful lived experience.

The existence of democratic systems of government threatens the legitimacy of authoritarian regimes. Democracy presents unique opportunities and vulnerabilities, including public debate and free expression, which nefarious actors can exploit by spreading false information. Disinformation can propagate rapidly across social networks and further authoritarian efforts to weaken democracy. This research discusses how Russia and China leverage online disinformation across contexts and exploit democracies’ vulnerabilities to further their goals. We create an analytical framework to map authoritarian influence efforts against democracies: (i) through longer term, ambient disinformation, (ii) during transitions of political power, and (iii) during social and cultural divides. We apply this framework to case studies involving Western democracies and neighboring states of strategic importance. We argue that both China and Russia aim to undermine faith in democratic processes; however, they bring different histories, priorities, and strategies while also learning from each other and leveraging evolving technologies. A primary difference between the countries’ disinformation against democracies is their approach. Russia builds on its longstanding history of propaganda for a more direct, manipulation-driven approach, and China invested heavily in technological innovation more recently for a permeating censorship-driven approach. Acknowledging it is impossible to know disinformation’s full scope and impact given the current information landscape, the growing international ambition and disinformation efforts leveraged by authoritarian regimes are credible threats to democracy globally. For democracies to stay healthy and competitive, their policies and safeguards must champion the free flow of trustworthy information. Resilience against foreign online disinformation is vital to achieving fewer societal divides and a flourishing information environment for democracies during peaceful – and vulnerable – times.

Effective post-ICU recovery requires empathetic exploration of the ICU experience and a detailed evaluation of the unique challenges and symptoms faced by survivors of critical illness. Utilizing palliative care techniques in this evaluation helps clinicians identify unmet needs and coordinate post-ICU management around patient-centered goals. Several palliative care tools and techniques may be used by ICU follow-up clinic providers without specialized palliative care training. Screening tools like the Edmonton Symptom Assessment Scale and Palliative Performance Scale may help clarify post-intensive care syndrome (PICS) symptoms and prognosis, while communication techniques like Ask-Tell-Ask and NURSE emotional response statements may offer insight into patient values and expectations in the post-ICU setting. The implementation of primary palliative care techniques in ICU follow-up clinics may additionally aid in the completion of documents like Advance Directives, which help clarify patient wishes. Specialized palliative care referral may be considered in situations with unmet needs, such as severe physical symptoms, existential distress, and prognosis less than one year. Integration of palliative care principles into the evaluation and management of PICS may ultimately facilitate meaningful recovery in survivors while fostering the concept of post-traumatic growth after critical illness.

Organised crime is now endemic to all advanced societies, and it has been become customary to refer to it everywhere as a 'mafia'. The first problem is to ascertain if there are special characteristics which distinguish the criminality of the mafia in Sicily and in Italy from other forms of crime. Umberto Santino has written extensively on the Sicilian mafia and the growth of other 'mafias' worldwide. He considers the historical phases of mafia development, highlighting its capacity to conserve and alter certain defining characteristics. Antonino Cutrera, writing in 1900, examines the rural mafia active in his own time, but identifies many of the characteristics which will define the mafia in all phases. Giuseppe Fava was a novelist and playwright from Catania, killed in 1984 outside a theatre where an anti-mafia play of his was being performed. He considers the transition from rural to urban mafia in his play.

How do the dual trends of increased misinformation in politics and increased socioeconomic inequality contribute to an erosion of trust and confidence in democratic institutions? In an era of massive misinformation, voters bear the burden of separating truth from lies as they determine how they stand on important issue areas and which candidates to support. When candidates engage in misinformation, it uncouples the already weak link among vote intentions, candidate choice, and policy outputs. At the same time, high levels of economic inequality and social stratification may contribute to lower levels of institutional trust, and the correspondingly more insular socioeconomic groups may experience misinformation differently. Social policy, as a policy area intentionally designed to alleviate risk and redistribute resources, thus becomes a special case where the effects of misinformation and socioeconomic inequality may be crosscutting and heightened.

This chapter argues that Darwin’s philosophical theory of emotion has been forgotten due to paradigm shifts in biology, psychology, and philosophy. These shifts have caused researchers to neglect associationist theories of emotions, including Darwin’s contributions to this school of thought. Having explained why Darwin’s philosophy was forgotten, I conclude by explaining why it should be remembered, given its relevance for contemporary emotions research.

The question of whether the mafia was a state of mind or an organisation has been settled by the revelations of Tommaso Buscetta. This chapter discusses the nature of the internal organisation taken from the prosecution case in the 1986 'maxi-processo' (Maxi-Trial). Mafia boss from Riesi who provided the police with information about the developing split inside Cosa Nostra and the rise of the Corleonese faction, which would lead to the mafia war of 1980-83. In 1973, Leonardo Vitale became the first mafioso in modern times to collaborate with the police. His testimony was dismissed, and he himself was convicted and locked up in a mental hospital. He was finally released in 1984. but was murdered by the mafia some months later.

This chapter analyzes how social policy in China has contributed to the well-being of the middle class and their trust of the government. The author argues that if we examine not just China’s earlier reform period (1978–2003) and the fast-growing era (2003–2012), but also the sharp Left Turn in recent years (2012–present), it is hard to fit China’s social policy into the theories of productivism or developmental welfare state that are often associated with the East Asian countries. China’s welfare system is an instrumentalist model which is centered on maintaining the leadership of the Communist Party of China. With this in mind, social policies have been actively used in the past few years to support two mutually independent but intersecting intermediate goals: maintaining economic development and social stability. Both are vital to the party’s authority.

Between 1499 and 1502, Florentine explorer Amerigo Vespucci surveyed unknown lands across the Atlantic, sparking European interest in new territories. His letters, describing a gigantic island, reached cartographer Martin Waldseemüller, who named the landmass "America" on a 1507 map. This story highlights the power of early modern maps to create realities through naming and representation. The Introduction to Connected Cartographies contrasts this model of discovery with the understanding of China, which was not "discovered" in the same way. Instead, knowledge about China emerged through cross-cultural cartographic exchanges, involving translations and synthesis of Chinese and European maps. These exchanges began in the late sixteenth century and continued into the nineteenth century. This process resulted in translated maps that combined features from both traditions, challenging the traditional narrative of exploration and emphasizing the importance of translation in shaping global geography.

This chapter explores, in a roundabout way, whether Kant’s legal philosophy relies on his mature ethics of autonomy and respect. The normativity of the law must be externally enforced by coercive measures. The proportionate and credible threat that transgressions will be punished acts as a deterrent and make the rights of individuals comparatively secure – the law is occasionally broken. Now, the Kantian state does not concern itself with why in particular citizens break or comply with the law. In that sense, Kant’s philosophy of law does not rely on his ethical theory or moral psychology. But agents must be in a position to comply with the law. They must face a meaningful choice, which can only be secured by the availability of the motive of ethics: respect for the law. Without respect, agents would be exposed to prudential considerations only. Those who break the law take their criminal act to be prudentially justified. Viewed from this limited perspective, their actions turn out to be imprudent if they are punished for them. But punishability and imprudence are different. So, making what the law prohibits properly illegal requires an ethical foundation after all.