In recent decades the Mediterranean has witnessed an expansion of the migration routes and exchanges taking place within its shores and a parallel modification of the actors involved. A Mediterranean anthropology, common cultural elements persisting through centuries, explains social and political processes. The persistence of social, economic and cultural aspects, the way in which phenomena take place, enlightens the sense of the 'historical reality of longue durée'. The stability of the Mediterranean immigration model has persisted notwithstanding the succession of nationalities and ethnic groups composing the main inflows at various times. Aspects of the 'refugee crisis' show the way in which migration affects the Mediterranean. Intra-European migrations were already important at the time of the 'Great Migration' at the turn of the twentieth century, when the Americas were the most important destination. The concentration of immigrants in the tertiary sector is a common pattern of international migrations today.

This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book concentrates on the social and political developments pertinent to a study of post-Troubles art. It begins with thoughts on how 'Northern Irish art' of the post-Troubles era might be critically approached and appraised in light of broader contemporary conditions. The book discusses ways in which artists from Northern Ireland have been positioned and presented internationally over recent years. It considers the 2005 exhibition of art from Northern Ireland at the Venice Biennale as the departure point for an extended examination of how the representation of 'local' concerns is shaped in relation to wider cultural and economic forces. The book follows the discussion of the haunted spaces of Willie Doherty's practice by reflecting on artists' approaches to time and history.

The founders of the Race Welfare Society (RWS) turned to eugenics for a blueprint on how to cultivate a healthy and productive white population. Eugenics was the science and social movement dedicated to improving physical, mental or moral qualities in human populations. The RWS had done much to transform birth control from a shameful moral issue to a 'public health' issue and a 'maternal health' service in Johannesburg. Broadening the birth control clinic's mandate was instrumental to attaining its overriding goal of delivering contraception to poor and 'feebleminded' whites. The first birth control clinic in South Africa was opened on 4 February 1932 in Sauer's Building on Loveday Street in central Johannesburg. In 1935 the executive committee started expanding access to medicalised birth control beyond the 'poor white' community to include African, Coloured and Asian women.

This chapter focuses on the liminal moment, between the failed first attempt to pass the Act in January 1799 and its eventual passage in June 1800, 18 months later. It considers the legal questions about the legitimacy of the Act of Union from two different perspectives. The chapter describes the issue of consent, specifically Ireland's consent to the Union seen as analogous to consent to a contract of marriage. It analyzes the arguments made about the constitutional legitimacy of the Act, which posited Irish claims to superior knowledge and understanding of English constitutional law. Both views demonstrate the mutually constitutive relationship between law and empire and how metropolitan authorities hoped to use the law to fix relationships of power that would build imperial networks to buttress the Empire.

This chapter provides some essential contextual information on the Labour Party, the Parti Socialiste, the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschland, and the Party of European Socialists’ organisations. The chapter first summarises each party’s historical background. Second, it describes the three different faces of each party organisation (on the ground, in public, and in central office). It argues that amongst the three parties, Labour has become the most ‘centralised’, as the leadership at Westminster has assumed much power in the formulating policy. The PS is also a highly centralised party, as the most important decisions are taken by a small circle of leaders in Paris. At the same time, the PS continues to be dominated by rival factions that form around potential presidential candidates. The SPD, by contrast, is a more decentralised party in which power is shared by the regional associations and the national party federation. Thus, the three parties - whilst being centre-left, multi-level, and multi-faceted parties of government - organise very differently. Still, there are challenges that the parties share, such as the lack of grassroots engagement and the rise of rival left-wing social movements.

This chapter focuses on the integration of the fields of welfare and international migration and proposes a unified framework for analysis. This framework is derived from Lockwood's concept of civic stratification, which facilitates analysis of the relationship between rights and controls. It is also applicable both to the operation of rights internal to citizenship, and to the rights that are granted to non-citizen populations. The chapter addresses contemporary developments in British welfare and immigration policy. It shows how an ever more refined system of civic stratification has been used to constrain the rights of both domestic welfare claimants and international migrants, while setting them against each other. In this process a related political discourse has worked to undermine the moral resources and claims to legitimacy of both groups in the name of a 'moral economy' driven from above by resource constraint, conditionality and control.

The public schools were at the height of their prestige and influence during the forty years or so before the Great War. The influence of the Victorian public schools spread widely and deeply in English society, but the number of boys, who went to them, in proportion to the population as a whole, was tiny. The Victorian public schools fastened themselves into the mind of the mass of the nation far less through their existence in fact than through the stories told about them in fiction. As the army tradition spread to the middle-class schools of Victorian foundation, it took on a much more professional tinge, which it always had for the numerous officers recruited from the relatively impoverished Irish gentry. The most important function of the public schools, in Bishop Welldon's view, was the formation of the character of English gentlemen.

Throughout and beyond the nineteenth century Scottish emigration was, in the public mind and public print, largely synonymous with an unwilling exodus from the highlands and islands. Hebridean emigration to Australia in the 1920s as in the nineteenth century was an intermittent sideshow compared with the movement to Canada, while New Zealand seems to have aroused almost no interest among highlanders. A reluctance among highlanders to commit themselves to full-time fishing occupations also helped to defeat Duff Pattullo's scheme. The Fishery Board supported the venture on the grounds that commercial fishing prospects were much healthier along the 7,000-mile coastline of British Columbia than in Scotland. The Canadian Pacific liners Marloch and Metagama, calling at Lochboisdale and Stornoway, respectively, embarked a total of around 600 emigrants from the Long Island and took them across the Atlantic to new homes in Alberta and Ontario.