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A more critical reappraisal of the position of white women is needed in order to clarify further the inter-relations of race, class and gender in Barbados. The St John initiative appeared to have been the first of its kind in Barbados, and likely attracted much interest from among public-spirited Barbadians concerned with the welfare of the island's poor whites. Barbados's poor whites were for the most part descendants of indentured servants who made up the bulk of the plantation labour force before the widespread introduction of African slavery. The displacement of white servants from the plantations had significant repercussions for poor white women. Conscious of the imperative to secure the racial loyalty of poor whites in order to assure its own security in the event of black uprisings, elite society attempted to harness the physical resources of the poor whites.
Criminality was reputedly the product of an undisciplined self, a disordered appetite and a passion for over-indulgence in all matters of the senses from excessive eating and drinking to indiscriminate sexual encounters. The small settlers around Belbin condemned the colonial state in systematically gendered terms, their critiques infused with moral disquiet at what they perceived as the sexual and gender disorder of the officer class. In an agrarian-based settler society the beguiling seductions of modern luxuries were, however, supposedly absent. A wider vision of British imperial order and historical progress was equally at stake. Britain largely forgot the new settlements until questions of economic retrenchment, imperial expansion and domestic repression made themselves felt in the post-Napoleonic world. An assumption of mutuality between governor and governed was part of the contract between state and subject in Van Diemen's Land: protection and paternalism were to be exchanged for duty, loyalty and respect.
In the closing years of the nineteenth century, it seemed to some observers that the built environment of London was inadequate to its role as an imperial city. As conceived and executed by its proponents and planners, the memorial is an important element in the history of London as an imperial city. In retrospect, it seems inevitable that Queen Victoria should have been memorialised after her death in 1901. While the significance of the Queen's death and the affection people felt for her all but ensured her formal commemoration, other concerns affected the ultimate shape of the London memorial. By including this figure of Motherhood in the London memorial Thomas Brock imported a sentimental, domestic scene into an imperial space. When the memorial committee chose, early in the process, to build an imperial memorial to Victoria, they also decided that the empire should bear some of its cost.
This chapter examines the interaction between Dennis Fitzpatrick and Lord Lansdowne, the Viceroy. Lord Lansdowne, immediately on his arrival in Calcutta to succeed Lord Dufferin, took up this suggestion and in a series of communications with London argued strongly in its favour. In 1889 Fitzpatrick was appointed as Resident at Hyderabad, one of the most important political appointments in the Indian Civil Services (ICS). In August 1893 Fitzpatrick wrote to Lansdowne about a case which neatly illustrates the interplay between the lieut.-governor and the newspaper. He believed to be the voice of the educated native and the mouthpiece of Congress. A radical wing of the movement, which focused on cow protection, gave doctrinal justification, intentional or not, to violent opposition to cow-killing, leading to bloody communal rioting in the major towns of Punjab.
The desire of the Welsh to send their own missionaries to India was representative of far more than just generalised evangelical religious ideologies. On 20 June 1811, the first eight preachers from north Wales were ordained at Bala, a flannel manufacturing town in Merionethshire at the foot of the Berwyn mountains. At mid-century, the Irish-born population was around four times that of the 20,262 Welsh-born, but Liverpool would be characterised by the 1880s as 'a kind of auxiliary capital for north Wales'. The persuasiveness of the public preacher and the warmth of the communal experience meeting nurtured the spiritual experiences of the Calvinistic Methodists, but it was conversionism that underscored evangelical religiosity. The Welsh Missionary Society reported the progress of their research to the Dolgellau Quarterly Association finally decided to send Thomas Jones to the Khasi Hills on account of its favourable climate and relatively cheaper cost of living.
This chapter attempts to show how physical artefacts two-dimensional print and images, as well as three-dimensional material culture contributed to that phenomenon by exhibiting exploration and empire to people in Britain at the time. It seeks to demonstrate the various ways in which visual and material information relating to eighteenth-century voyages of exploration principally those of James Cook circulated among the general public in Britain. The chapter shows how the display and exhibition of material culture helped to shape public discourse about the purpose, value and results of these expeditions. The contemporary collecting, exhibiting and interpreting of information and objects derived from eighteenth-century voyages of exploration occurred at a time when British responses to the rest of the world were being rapidly forged and reshaped. The enduring appeal of objects, exhibitions and displays relating to Cook, up to the present day, demonstrates the long-lasting impact of these voyages.
Making the public 'airminded' was certainly part of deliberate acculturation in late imperial Britain. In view of the relatively few people who did fly on Empire services, advertising the new airway to and from Empire may have burnished imperial sympathies more than it boosted Imperial revenues. In the mid 1930s, once the Empire air routes and services had acquired better definition, Imperial's advertising increased. 'Speedbird', the name given to the new signifier of Empire aviation, appeared on posters, tickets, advertisements, luggage tags, stationery and aircraft fuselages from 1932. A lot of Imperial Airways advertising was on its own account, but the airline and the imperial spirit benefited by a considerable amount of free publicity. In the autumn of 1934, Imperial Airways and The Times banded together to mount an exhibition entitled 'Flying over the Empire'.
The history of missionary and migration movements in southern Africa illustrates a concern with presenting the landscape that answered specific needs or followed well-defined patterns of representation. In this way, landscape spaces responded to local, professional or political needs and were co-opted to articulate specific views to British-based audiences. The historiographies of British imperialism and British overseas missionary activity have frequently followed parallel paths'. Throughout the corpus of missionary letters and memoirs, a major emphasis was placed on productive labour in the landscape. It became the litmus test of a civilised society. The missionary station was seen as a potential inspiration to indigenous Africans. It could guide them in the paths of religion and industry. One of the most obvious impacts of the introduction of Christianity on southern African landscape spaces was the construction of church buildings.
The civil war had exploded myths of imperial invincibility. It triggered nationalist turmoil in India and exposed colonial vulnerability in Burma. When the war ended, coruscating events in Rangoon eclipsed the struggles of ordinary people. The Methodist Synod in Mandalay predicted a gloomy and uncertain future. The sheer scale of destruction gnawed away at post-war Burmese politics and undermined public morale. Upper Burma since the war, and in 1948 they began to infiltrate towns like Chauk and Yamethin. Gradually government forces managed to fight back, and in October 1953 Thakin U Nu felt strong enough to outlaw the Burma (White Flag) Communist Party (BCP) and the People's Volunteer Organisation (PVO). The tide began to turn as one by one towns south of Mandalay were retaken by government troops. In the 1960 election U Nu had promised to make Buddhism the state religion.