This chapter explores some issues concerning social memory, commemoration, and the social construction of contemporary identities in the urban arena. It examines the production and iconography of two exhibitionary events (1929 Iberoamerican Fair and Expo '92) in twentieth-century Seville. The chapter illuminates the complex connections between debates about the location of Spanish culture, definitions of 'Spanishness' and the recasting of the legacy of Spanish imperialism. The construction of national space and time at the fair was augmented by representations of Spain's overseas colonies, both past and present. The 1929 Iberoamerican Fair and Expo '92 reconfigured the meanings of empire at two distinct post-imperial moments in Spanish history. The cultural politics of these commemorative events was irreducibly bound up with that of Seville itself as a pivotal site in national self-imagination.

The maritime historian Alston Kennerley records a working-class hierarchy, for it appears that firemen were recruited from the poorest districts in Britain. The historian James Belich reflects that the 'crew culture' was more about 'betweenness' than any overriding attachment to place. The specification booklet for the Navua, a steamer built for the island trades in 1904, details the spatial dimension of crew hierarchy and division. Three departments staffed steamships: officers and seamen on deck; engineers, firemen, coal-trimmers and greasers in the engine-room or stokehold; stewards, stewardesses and cooks in the providore or catering department. The ship's iron world was mirrored by the 'iron world' ashore. Evangelical and temperance reformers demonstrated a particular interest in the welfare of seafarers when ashore. New Zealand's first domestic Shipping and Seamen's Act 1877 defined the legal responsibilities of employers and employees and outlined penalties for breaches.

Various factors had interfered with the smooth running of the Chenab colony and with the even tenor of provincial agriculture in general. Provisions of the proposed new bill, the Punjab Land Colonisation Bill, 1907, included a prohibition on the cutting down of trees without permission. In his private papers and in contributions to the Asiatic Review, Louis Dane demonstrates that his knowledge of Ireland influenced or confirmed his view of what should be done in Punjab. Dane found abundant scope in the canal colonies and the various irrigation schemes which presented themselves to his agile mind. There were more Irish civilian engineers working in Punjab in 1921 than there had been at any time since 1881. Irishmen such as Michael O'Dwyer, Dane and Edmund O'Brien were prominent in advancing government policy through their work as settlement officers, and the two first-named developed long-lasting relationships with Punjabi agriculturalists.

The onset of the Second World War furthered both Ireland's and India's national aspirations. An incident involving an Irish former Indian Political Intelligence (IPI) officer ruffled some feathers in the Dublin Government during the Second World War. The Second World War brought with it irreversible changes to the imperial political landscape. The war also provided radical Indian nationalists with opportunities to use Britain's difficulty as India's opportunity, as Ireland had done in 1916. Radical Indian nationalists such as Krishna Menon remained tuned into Irish affairs throughout the war. In the late 1930s Menon became involved in local politics and was elected as a councillor for St. Pancras. Towards the end of the 1930s, despite the fading Anglo-Irish trade war, de Valera was still considered quite the radical in British eyes and the British authorities continued to long for his departure from office.

The actuality of imperial flying never quite reached the pitch that was hoped, and a great deal of the service anticipated from Empire aviation in the inter-war period was to reside forever in inter-war imaginings. After Empire flying ceased, the mass media continued as a medium of sporadic and partial recall of the thick confection of Empire aviation. Intriguing personal recollections of imperial air travel emerged in the BBC's 1979 television series that drew on one social history text and generated another. Alfred Hitchcock followed with his 1940 film 'Foreign Correspondent'. It featured a full-scale mock-up of an Imperial Airways Empire flying boat In the 1980s, an icon of Empire aviation was used to brand a popular merchandising incentive and customer loyalty scheme in Britain.

This chapter focuses on the 'correct impression' of Zanzibar in particular the historical narrative and its dissemination both in Britain and Zanzibar through exhibitions and printed texts. It reveals how these displays of material culture and the interpretative narratives associated with them offer new insights into the construction of Zanzibar's imperial identity at home and abroad in the first half of the twentieth century. Reflecting on the Zanzibar Court at the Wembley Empire Exhibition and the accompanying handbook, Francis Charlesworth believed the people of Zanzibar should be gratified in taking 'an adequate share in the carrying out of a great Imperial idea'. The historical narrative presented at the Wembley exhibition was also a key component of the new educational movement in Zanzibar. The publication of the School History coincided with the opening of the Peace Memorial Museum, which provided the opportunity to represent the historical narrative in material form.

This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in this book. The book aims to explore and explain the mentality which allowed child removal policy to flourish. It studies the emergence of this mentality through the publications disseminated by four influential English child rescue organisations, founded in the second half of the nineteenth century. The four organisations include Dr. Barnardo's (DBH), the National Children's Homes (NCH), the Church of England Waifs and Strays Society (WSS) and the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC). By the middle of the nineteenth century, the potential of the child as citizen had been clearly articulated, although that status had still to be secured in law. The development of more specialised services for children, and, in particular, the introduction of board schools in most urban areas, addressed many of the needs which the Union had seen as its own.

The main difference between the experiences of administrators in Punjab and those in Ceylon and British Malaya was to do with land use. Together with the Straits Settlements, the Federated Malay States were a unified British colony, although the sovereignty of the states remained a legal fact. Hong Kong, Ceylon and the Straits Settlements had a standard governmental system, in which the Crown had entire control over legislation through a governor appointed by London. The governance and administration of these colonies were, then, partly modelled on the Indian system. Like his counterparts in Punjab, a public servant in one of the eastern colonies was 'just a sojourner, whose one object is to make his fortune and take it home before his health breaks'. Candidates for the Indian Civil Services (ICS) and the eastern cadetships were the only prospective colonial civil servants to gain entry through competitive examinations.

This chapter considers the relationships that developed between the rooms, their material contents and the women and the spaces that they sought to occupy. It also considers the living room in Britain, and how that model contributed to cultural expectations in colonial settings. The chapter shows that the material culture of the room had agency for the woman to negotiate the endless variables and complexities of the ever changing circumstances she encountered in her new location. Aspects discussed are floorings and ceilings, walls and furniture with the piano calling for discrete handling, needlework and craftwork, and the use of flowers. The chapter critically analyses the living rooms of genteel households in colonial settings. It discusses the ways in which the exploration of the living room has furthered understanding of how and why material culture proved to be a critical mechanism for ideological expression.

English purity campaigners saw their own country as a net exporter of the ideas, laws and movements that drove sexuality politics around the world. Parallels and coincidences in global sexuality politics, past and present, have sometimes been attributed to the diffusion of ideas and identities. This chapter examines the processes by which purity movements may have spread from England to other parts of the British Empire. English purity campaigners recognised distinctions within both Indian and English society, which further complicated the hierarchical geographies of sexuality politics. Invoking the imperial power of which she was often critical, Ellice Hopkins, argued that English purity movements would inevitably 'influence in the world at large. Perhaps the most tangible way in which purity campaigns were extended was through travel. Before he ventured into travel and travel-writing proper, Alfred Stace Dyer used quasi-travel narratives to strengthen the overseas work of English purity campaigns.

Image reproduction in the eighteenth century was dominated by the single-sheet intaglio print, which could take the form of etching, engraving, aquatint, mezzotint or some combination of these intaglio techniques. Even for those with access to original works of art, the preponderance of imagery relating to Britain's overseas interests would have come to them through the mediation of prints. The ostensible aim of satirical peace prints was to promote and extend Great Britain's military might and imperial reach. This chapter offers some possible reasons for the emergence of peace as a major satirical theme, including a growing populist militarism and a shift in perceptions regarding international diplomacy. The cartographic unconscious would seem to culminate in satirical peace print with a debased analogy between colonial map pieces and excrement.

This chapter examines the jurisdictional disputes which reflect the transition in hospital governance from the lay initiative of individuals founders, through the assertion of ecclesiastical oversight and finally to oversight by an increasingly centralized communal government. Often, evidence of how external political strife adversely affected charitable institutions is illustrated through the jurisdictional disputes in which the communities became involved. Relations between Ospedale Rodolfo Tanzi, the bishop of Parma, and the city of Parma, illustrate how frustrated citizenry increasingly organized in response to the political meddling of ecclesiastical and imperial powers in civic life. A crisis in the administration of the Italian hospital occurred in the early to mid-fourteenth century and mirrored the general crisis of the age. The endemic conflict between and within cities, and with the institutional church and imperial powers, resulted in a politicization of all civic organizations, but in particular of the administration of the hospital.

Maritime labour concerns were enmeshed in broader debates about colonial autonomy over maritime boundaries and immigration policies. The 'lascar question', as it came to be known, preoccupied maritime officials and workers from the mid-nineteenth century as Britain relaxed legislation providing for the preferential recruitment of British sailors on board British ships. In the imperial mercantile marine, by contrast, Indian and other 'coloured' colonial labourers were routinely employed from the late nineteenth century. Until the repeal of the British Navigation Acts in 1849, the imperial mercantile marine was effectively closed to foreign ships and foreign seafarers. In putting imperial and Australasian maritime trade in the same frame, late nineteenth-century metropolitan debates were replayed in intraimperial forums in the early twentieth century. Racial ideology supporting beliefs that tropical plantations and steamer stokeholds were not suitable places for white labour had to shift to accommodate fully White Australia.