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The purpose of this chapter is to add iconographic and spatial analyses to the diachronic presentation of the history of nude figurines in , and to consider whether the iconographic patterns and spatial distribution of naked figurines might indicate the existence of different attitudes and practices related to naked males in EIA Greece. Iconographic patterns are somewhat difficult to pin down, although a few identifiable types, like warriors and worshippers, bind together disparate regional traditions. The spatial patterns in the figurine data show that the practice of depositing bronze anthropomorphic figurines, including nude figurines, was likely quite circumscribed during the EIA. The distribution shows a mainly Cretan and western pattern. In order to test whether this geography of EIA nude male figurines should be taken only to indicate the spatial limits of ritual practices associated with dedicating bronze figurines or whether it might indicate the presence of distinct regional iconographies and practices associated with nudity, I check these patterns against patterns in the depiction of nudity in Geometric vase painting. Although this evidence is considerably later than much of the figurines, it suggests that, at least during the eighth century, people in different regions of the Aegean probably had distinct ideas about nudity. I then argue that it is not unreasonable to reconstruct, based on the combined spatial patterns in EIA figurines and EIA vase painting, that these distinct ideas can be extrapolated back into the earlier phases of the EIA. I therefore posit a Cretan and western EIA ideology in which nudity was often associated with ritual practice, and an eastern EIA ideology in which nudity was most often associated with death and vulnerability.
In the last chapter I suggested that the most likely explanation for the appearance of a new kind of votive dedication at EIA mainland sanctuaries sites was a process of both technological and ritual transfer from Crete, and that the metal casting processes that went into votive production explain many peculiar characteristics of EIA bronze figurines, including their small size, stylistic variety, and many flaws and defects. I closed this discussion by suggesting that the craft processes involved in making the figurines were more fundamental to their meaning in the context of ritual practice than the aesthetic outcome of those processes.
My purpose in this book has been to reconsider the beginnings of a ‘culture of male nudity’ in the Aegean through analysis of some of the earliest images of naked males in material culture from the Aegean region. I laid out the evidence for nudity in the archaeological record of the EIA Aegean, especially focusing on the earliest naked figurines from the few sanctuaries on Crete and the mainland where they appear in substantial quantities. I presented a treatment of the earliest naked bronze figurines from EIA that placed their production at the forefront of interpretation and set this in the context of ritual practice and votive deposition. I contended that EIA bronze figurines were not valued for their aesthetic appearance, but accrued value instead through the metal casting processes of production that took place within the sanctuary grounds. This perspective, along with a granular understanding of the casting process, helps to explain their unprepossessing appearance. In contrast to existing views that reconstruct production as a purely economic phenomenon, I posited a meaningful ritual role for bronze working in certain EIA contexts. Specifically, I argued that bronze casting was not practiced at sanctuaries in order to produce votives for the economic benefit of itinerant craftsmen, but that smiths were ritual actors whose casting practices were embedded in and central to some EIA ritual.
The purpose of this last substantive chapter of the book is twofold. First, I reiterate a number of differences between the interpretation of the naked EIA males that I have presented here and views about them that arose from previous, relational and text-based approaches to the same material. Second, I articulate a number of new questions that may be posed of cultural and ritual history based on this treatment, questions that might not have occurred to historians to ask based on previous reconstructions of the evidence. The goal of this chapter is therefore to highlight how the results of this study may move understanding of EIA nudity forward, while the concluding chapter that follows will comment on the value of the study from the point of view of methodological challenges involved in constructing a non-relational, non-textually determined understanding of EIA society.
The material record datable to the early phases of the Aegean EIA is relatively short on figural art. According to the usual diachronic narrative, the turn of the first millennium involves a relatively long-lasting period during which images of humans and animals are mostly absent from visual culture – as Coldstream called it, a “long pictureless hiatus.”1 In place of figural decoration, geometric designs are most characteristic of Aegean iconography during the EIA. According to some art historical accounts, this period of aniconic art represents a reset, during which the traditions of LBA iconography were mostly wiped away. The figural art of the Geometric period is then usually presented as the start of a new tradition.2
To be really medieval one should have no body, to be really modern one should have no soul, to be really Greek one should have no clothes. – Oscar Wilde1
Sixty-two 14C dates are analyzed in combination with a recently established local floating tree-ring sequence for the Early Neolithic site of La Draga (Banyoles, northeast Iberian Peninsula). Archaeological data, radiometric and dendrochronological dates, as well as sedimentary and micro-stratigraphical information are used to build a Bayesian chronological model, using the ChronoModel 2.0 and OxCal 4.4 computer programs, and IntCal 2020 calibration curve. The dendrochronological sequence is analyzed, and partially fixed to the calendrical scale using a wiggle-matching approach. Depositional events and the general stratigraphic sequence are expressed in expanded Harris Matrix diagrams and ordered in a temporal sequence using Allen Algebra. Post-depositional processes affecting the stratigraphic sequence are related both to the phreatic water level and the contemporaneous lakeshore. The most probable chronological model suggests two main Neolithic occupations, that can be divided into no less than three different “phases,” including the construction, use and repair of the foundational wooden platforms, as well as evidence for later constructions after the reorganization of the ground surface using travertine slabs. The chronological model is discussed considering both the modern debate on the Climatic oscillations during the period 8000–4800 cal BC, and the origins of the Early Neolithic in the western Mediterranean region.
Estadio de Quillota (EDQ) is the largest known pre-Columbian cemetery site within the Aconcagua Valley of Central Chile. Despite its importance, existing chronological data for EDQ are limited and questions remain regarding the prehistory of the Valley, particularly around the adoption and intensification of maize agriculture, as well as the timing of Inka influence reaching the region. Seventeen new AMS radiocarbon dates presented here indicate two distinct phases of use at EDQ: An earlier phase (339–196 cal BC to cal AD 128–339), and a later phase (cal AD 1280–1387 to cal AD 1413–1458). Accompanying stable isotope (δ13C and δ15N) analyses of human bone collagen (n=22) demonstrate diachronic dietary changes corresponding to these phases, with a reliance on terrestrial C3 resources during the earlier period, followed by a heavy dependence on C4-based (maize) resources during the later use. Bayesian modeling of the dates from Late Period contexts suggests Inka influence arrived in Central Chile by ca. cal AD 1400, decades before the date cited in traditional chronologies, AD 1471. Inka expansion likely occurred here with an initial phase of interaction and exchange preceding a later phase of integration. This finding supports growing evidence that the traditional chronology of the Inka Empire requires reconsideration.
Little evidence has survived of the long-distance communication networks established by the Byzantines and Venetians in the medieval period. We know only of a chain of beacons established by Leo the Mathematician in the ninth century, an inscription found in the Peloponnese and a Venetian network in the central Aegean. This article reappraises the existing evidence and introduces new data following a study recently undertaken by the author of the topography of Negroponte (modern Euboea) and the medieval towers of Greece. Making extensive use of early cartographic sources, toponymic studies, and satellite imagery and telemetry, it identifies 142 tower and beacon sites on the island alone, and demonstrates, utilising archaeological evidence, how complex messages could be sent between towers. The research also uncovers a new term – the pyrgari, which appears to apply to a circular beacon tower. Combining this new evidence and the topographic study, the article then delineates, using GIS mapping, four Middle Byzantine and Venetian long-distance communication networks. The paper concludes by proposing a theoretical framework for the tower based on its role in communication and defence. Such work potentially helps us to understand in a more nuanced way the administrative and military organisation of the Byzantine themata and the Venetian Empire. The methodology also has potential for application in other regions: in essence it looks at the landscape not as a collection of nodes – bishoprics, cities and fortresses – but as a network of connections.