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The misuse of ethnographic analogy, illustrated through several case studies, has been and remains widespread in the archaeology of pastoralism. Earlier programmatic papers on how to strengthen the use of analogy in archaeology point to three proposals for how archaeologists interested in pastoralism might use ethnographic analogy more reliably, especially through evaluation of systematic biases in mid-twentieth-century pastoralist ethnography and highlighting temporal and spatial variability evidenced in ethnographic and historical accounts. Archaeological and ethnoarchaeological work on historical mobile pastoralism in southeastern Turkey illustrates one way of engaging with some of these proposals.
New field and laboratory methodologies increasingly allow scholars to collect direct data on pastoralism, including data on mobility, sociopolitical organization, and intensification/diversification of production. A discussion of each methodology – survey, excavation, zooarchaeology, archaeobotany, and geoarchaeology – assesses possibilities and limitations for an empirical and critical archaeology of pastoralism.
This introductory chapter discusses how archaeologists have studied and represented pastoralism, often in ways that parallel the tropes that the film Grass introduced. Despite decades of work and varied approaches associated with different theoretical traditions, archaeologists largely have not written histories of pastoralism that address continuity and change. The archaeology of pastoralism faces four longstanding problems that contribute to an ongoing tendency to see pastoralists as changeless: (1) conceptual conflation, (2) misuse of ethnographic analogy, (3) a paucity of direct data, and (4) separate regional traditions of research.
A critical and empirical archaeology of pastoralism has already begun to rewrite some of the long-standing “grand narratives” of pastoralism’s role in shaping ancient urbanism, trade, polities, and landscapes.
New research agendas tackle questions about the social and political dimension of ancient and historical pastoralism and the impact that herd animals and herding had on societies through time. These research agendas include social zooarchaeology and the archaeology of social spaces in pastoral landscapes, such as monuments, gathering spaces, and corrals or other herding infrastructure. In the future, household archaeological approaches to settlements and campsites should play a more important role.
It remains a little-known fact that from March 1766 to May 1767 Jean-Jacques Rousseau – fleeing from persecution in France and Switzerland – stayed in the remote hamlet of Wootton in Staffordshire. There he composed the first half of his Confessions in a garden hermitage, a structure half natural and half architectural, ever since known as Rousseau’s Cave. Our paper records the hermitage in its current state (exposed to the elements); it creates a digital reconstruction of the hermitage as it was in Rousseau’s lifetime; and it provides digital access to a monument that is otherwise not generally accessible.
Our paper records a modest but fairly typical eighteenth-century garden hermitage and also, with the highest quality digital reconstructions and fly-throughs, provides a new insight into the creation of one of the world’s greatest works of literature.
The paper contributes substantial new material to the study of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and also contributes to garden history and the phenomenon of the garden hermitage.
Archaeological research on pastoralism has mostly occurred within the silos of separate regionally specific traditions in the Middle East, Central Eurasia, North Africa, and East Africa. The common questions concerning pastoral ecologies and economies outlined in Chapter 6 and the social research agendas discussed in Chapter 7 open space for a more robust comparative archaeology of pastoralism across disparate regions and longer time spans.
Various biomolecular methods increasingly augment foundational methodologies for the study of pastoralism, including isotopic analyses, analyses of ancient human and animal DNA, identification of milk proteins, and residue analyses that identify animal carcass fat and milk fat. Although the results of biomolecular analyses can significantly expand the evidentiary basis for the archaeology of pastoralism and have in many ways revolutionized the field, they are not some sort of panacea that can easily solve all of the conceptual, interpretive, empirical, and disciplinary problems laid out in Chapter 1.
Twentieth-century scholars defined “pastoral nomadism” as an environmental adaptation inherently linked to specific political, social, and economic traits: long-distance mobility; tribalism, social egalitarianism, and dependence on sedentary agricultural communities; economic specialization in pastoralism; and “marginal” land. To resolve conceptual conflation and promote the writing of histories of pastoralism, archaeologists require a new framework that draws on anthropological ideas about mobility, political complexity, intensification of production, and pastoral landscapes.
Pole-and-thatch structures built directly on the ground surface were likely common in antiquity in the Maya area as residences, kitchens, workshops, storehouses, and for other uses, although the actual wooden architecture normally decays and often leaves no mounded remains. Various estimates are made to account for these “invisible sites” in population estimates based on mound or plazuela groups. Wooden building posts and associated artifacts preserved in mangrove peat below the sea floor in Punta Ycacos Lagoon, southern Belize provide an opportunity to address population size, material wealth, and household activities at “invisible sites.” The distribution of wooden building posts and artifacts at the Ch’ok Ayin underwater site indicates it was a residential household group with several pole-and-thatch buildings around a plaza. The householders focused on salt production, with artifactual evidence of brine enrichment and brine boiling, in addition to other supporting activities, and participated in Late Classic marketplace trade for goods from varying distances. Holocene sea-level rise that flooded low-lying coastal areas also obscured ancient Maya sites, making them “invisible” in the modern landscape.
In this paper a part of a new multi-proxy results obtained from the Kotoń landslide fen deposits (the Beskid Makowski Mountains, the Outer Western Carpathians, S Poland), including loss on ignition analysis, plant macrofossil analysis and radiocarbon dating is presented. The aim of the study was to verify whether the reconstructed local palaeoecological stages of the Kotoń fen development could be correlated with the Bølling-Older Dryas-Allerød sequence and to verify whether the rarely recognised short GI-1d/Older Dryas climate cooling affected the regional and local palaeoecological record of the Kotoń deposits. Results showed that four palaeoecological stages of development (poor-in-vegetation waterbody, waterbody with aquatic succession, calcareous extremely rich fen and moderately rich fen) determined for the Kotoń landslide fen deposits between ca. 14,600–13,500 cal BP stay in agreement with the earlier pollen division of the Kotoń deposits and with the extraregional chronology of the Greenland ice cores. The influence of GI-1d/Older Dryas climate cooling on the surrounding and regional vegetation was recognised for the deposits of Kotoń and other localities in a form of open-space habitats with herbs, shrubs and sparse tree stands, e.g. steppe-tundra, reflecting the cold and dry climatic conditions. In case of local vegetation and palaeohydrological changes, the Older Dyas climatic oscillation was recorded as a shallowing of the existing palaeo-waterbodies. Although for other localities this process was attributed to the dry climatic conditions, in case of Kotoń site more detail multi-proxy research is necessary to distinguish the climatic impact from the autogenic succession.