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A brooch found in a mid-first-century AD context at the Roman port of Berenike, on the Red Sea coast of Egypt, represents the southernmost find of an Aucissa-type fibula. The item reflects the identity of its wearer, possibly a Roman soldier, for whom it may have held sentimental value.
This article examines how Native Nations and institutions have been affected by a new directive in the revised NAGPRA regulations, the duty of care provision (43 CFR 10.1(d)), with a focus on the care of Indigenous Ancestral remains and cultural items. The Native Nation’s perspective is provided by the Osage Nation and the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians. The South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology; the University of Tennessee, Knoxville; the Illinois State Museum; and Indiana University share their viewpoints as institutions that house Indigenous Ancestral remains, cultural items, and archaeological collections and describe the initial impacts of the revised legislation on their programs. There are several key takeaways of its initial effects, including (1) an increased burden to Native Nations, given the substantial uptick in requests for consultation linked to new requirements for consent and the revised definitions of cultural items and research (although the end result of more consultations leading to repatriations is desired), (2) a disconnect between Native Nations and institutions regarding cultural item identification, (3) a strengthening of existing NAGPRA-related institutional policies and procedures, and (4) an emphasis on the importance of consultation between institutions and Native Nations to facilitate repatriation.
After more than three decades of research by archaeologist Phil Weigand, the pre-Hispanic west of Mexico is now renowned for the presence of the Teuchitlán tradition, characterized by concentric circular pyramids associated with the shaft-tombs tradition. Shaft tombs are characterized by vertical shafts and horizontal chambers. This makes them potential targets for geophysical exploration. This research reviewed what had been written so far about the Teuchitlán tradition, and, considering that shaft tombs are an important element of that tradition, employed electrical resistivity tomography (ERT) to investigate these subterranean structures at the Los Guachimontones and Santa Quiteria archaeological sites. The ERT data were forward modeled and inverted. Forward modeling was carried out to enhance the understanding of these archaeological structures in real contexts. The modeled the tombs imitated the typical boot and bottle designs found in western Mexico, and they demonstrated high resistivity values. ERT data from Los Guachimontones successfully identified resistivity anomalies associated with the tombs, supported by forward-modeling results. However, at Santa Quiteria, while clear subsurface disturbances were detected, conclusive evidence of intact shaft tombs remained elusive. These findings underscore the potential of ERT for detecting shaft tombs but also highlight the challenges posed by complex geological conditions and potential site disturbance.
In October 2022 at the annual board meeting of the Southeastern Archaeological Conference (SEAC), a new image policy for the journal Southeastern Archaeology was adopted that prohibited publication of photographs of funerary objects/belongings. In the discourse surrounding these new policies, a range of misunderstandings and mischaracterizations regarding consultative, collaborative, and community-based Indigenous archaeology were highlighted. Through a range of examples and personal experiences, this paper explores some of the realities of collaborative archaeological practice in the Indigenous American Southeast and aims to contextualize and mediate some recurring misunderstandings. Of particular importance and focus is the unique concept and definition of “the community” as it relates to collaborative practice across Indigenous North America. Importantly, I emphasize that southeastern archaeology and southeastern archaeologists are doing transformative work that puts us in a position to be leaders in the ongoing structural changes to our discipline.
Este trabajo analiza la gestión de materias primas duras de origen animal por parte de sociedades cazadoras-recolectoras-pescadoras del extremo sur de Sudamérica, mediante el análisis tecno-morfológico y funcional de un conjunto de 29 artefactos del sitio arqueológico Lanashuaia II (Holoceno tardío). El sitio es un conchero de estructura anular ubicado en la costa norte del canal Beagle. Los objetivos son (1) caracterizar la diversidad artefactual, (2) identificar las especies y unidades anatómicas explotadas, (3) evaluar los criterios de selección de las unidades anatómicas empleadas para la confección de artefactos específicos, (4) identificar las técnicas de manufactura, y (5) explicar en qué actividades productivas fueron utilizados estos artefactos óseos. Los resultados alcanzados posibilitan identificar la utilización de huesos de aves, guanacos y mamíferos marinos para la manufactura de artefactos de procesamiento y captura, así como también instrumentos de talla lítica. Por su parte, los huesos largos de aves también se emplearon para la fabricación de objetos de adorno personal.
Digital eXtended Reality technologies enable users to view and interact with spaces and objects in three dimensions (3D), thus supporting a variety of potential innovative embodied applications in archaeology. Here, we review the Apple Vision Pro as a Mixed/Augmented Reality (MR/AR) headset to determine where it might fit within current archaeological practice. Our interest in this device spans primary field data collection, in situ visual–spatial interpretation, and public education and tourism. Overall, we find that although it makes certain advances on prior eXtended Reality hardware, it does not yet represent a significant enough shift forward to have a major impact on archaeology. However, we do plan to continue our field experiments with this technology to push its limits and to prepare for future improvements to this product and its competitors.
The seven essays that make up this work are concerned with aspects of Mycenaean Asianism and as such are offered as contributions first to the study of the earliest form of Greek culture to leave behind written records but also to the study of Asianisms, this latter constituting “an evolving field of historical enquiry.” The notion of Asianism has in recent years been defined broadly, as, notably, by Frey and Spakowski (2016a:1), who offer for Asianisms the following: “discursive constructs of Asia and their related political, cultural and social practices.” This sort of Asianism is thus to be kept notionally quite distinct from that “Asianism” that identifies a rhetorical style of Greek literary language that gained popularity in the third century BC, one “characterized by the abandonment of the traditional period and a return to Gorgianic [Gorgias of Leontini, fifth century BC] precepts …, involving the motive accumulation of vocabulary and rapid successions of short antithetical clauses with a heavy emphasis on metaphor, word-play, ‘poetic’ vocabulary, and contrived rhythmic and phonetic effects” (Horrocks 2010:100).
Chapter 4 is in part an examination of a Mycenaean divine Potnia, one affiliated with the “labyrinth,” the Potnia of the dabúrinthos (δαβύρινθος). The labyrinthine space with which she is associated is an Asian cult notion introduced from Anatolia to Balkan Hellas. This chapter also examines the Rājasūya, a Vedic rite of consecration by which a warrior is made a king and a likely cult counterpart to the Mycenaean initiation of the wanaks.
Chapter 2 examines the Vedic sacrificial post called the yūpa and its role in ritual performances. A Mycenaean Greek cognate term and comparable ritual implement lies behind the Linear B form spelled u-po – that is, hûpos (ὗπος). Among other topics treated in this chapter are the Mycenaean deity called the po-ti-ni-ja, a-si-wi-ja, the Asian Potnia, and the u-po-jo po-ti-ni-ja, the Potnia of the u-po (that is, húpoio Pótnia [ὕποιο Πότνια]), a term matched exactly by Sanskrit patnī-yūpá-.
Mycenaean Asianisms are fundamentally of two types. There are those Asianisms that Mycenaean myth, ritual, and society share with Indo-Iranian peoples – chief among Asian Indo-Europeans in terms of geographic breadth – as a consequence of historical persistence of ideas: this is a diachronic process. And there are those Asianisms that made their way to Mycenaeans as a consequence of Mycenaean settlement in Asia Minor: this is a synchronic process. What follow are select concluding thoughts, of a synthesizing nature, that draw attention to a subset of the examples of these two fundamental, and at times intersecting, dimensions of Mycenaean Asianism as we have encountered the phenomenon across the span of the seven chapters that precede.
Chapter 6 examines Iranian cult and myth as evidenced in the Nart sagas of Transcaucasia, but also among Scythians as well as in Zoroastrian tradition, including the psychotropic cult substances Haoma (Iranian) and Soma (Indic). The Greek polis of Dioscurias in the Caucasus is explored as a place where Hellenic and Indo-Iranian divine-twin myth and cult affiliation meet, as indeed they do in the Pontic polis of Sinope. Aeolian connections are conspicuous at both locales.
Forgetting, an attendant to culture change, is the stuff of history. When cultural innovations, exchange and adoption occur, previous customs, knowledge, technology and other dimensions of culture are often lost—they are forgotten. This paper considers the phenomenon of forgetting and its permutations—the passive forgetting that is more or less an accepted outcome of change, the unintentional forgetting that is accidental and undesired, and the intentional forgetting of wilful erasure—as a way of contemplating agency and culture loss/change among the Dorset Paleo-Inuit peoples of the central and eastern North American Arctic, and more broadly, in Arctic archaeology.
Chapter 7 examines the sheep’s fleece filter used in the preparation of Soma. A cult ideology in which such an implement played an important role was preserved for some time in Iranian tradition in the Caucuses, ultimately giving expression to Greek ideas about the presence of fleecy filters impinged with gold in the vicinity of Dioscurias – rationalizing accounts of the Golden Fleece of Aeolian Argonautic tradition. Particular elements of the Golden Fleece myth find parallels in Indic poetic accounts of the performance of Soma cult. The common Hellenic and Indic elements constitute a shared nexus of ideas that earliest took shape in Bronze-Age communities of admixed Mycenaean and Luvian populations into which Mitanni Soma ideas had spread via Kizzuwatna. The Golden Fleece mythic tradition, with its geographic localization in Transcaucasia, is a Mycenaean Asianism that took shape in Asia Minor under Indic and Iranian influences and that continued to evolve among the Iron-Age Asian Greeks.
Chapter 5 considers the Indic divine twins, the Aśvins (Aśvínā), or Nāsatyas (Nā́satyā), their association with the Indic Dawn goddess Uṣas, and their place in the Indic Soma cult. Discussion then shifts to the kingdom of Mitanni in Syro-Mesopotamia, a place into which Indic culture was introduced as Indo-Iranian peoples migrated southward through Asia, as also at Nuzi. There is good lexical evidence for the presence of a Soma cult in Mitanni, and Soma-cult ideas appear to have spread out of Mitanni, through Kizzuwatna, into the Luvian milieu of western Asia Minor, where such ideas would almost certainly have been encountered by resident Mycenaean Greeks, intermingled biologically, socially, culturally, and linguistically with Luvian populations. With that spread certain elements of Soma-cult ideology were mapped onto Anatolian cult structures.