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Este artículo analiza los impactos de la expansión de grandes empresas forestales en el Alto Paraná, área central de esta producción en Argentina. Desde fines del siglo XX, el ingreso de capitales concentrados transformó la actividad, aumentando la integración vertical, desplazando productores y reorganizando regímenes laborales. El foco está en las condiciones de reproducción social de trabajadores sin tierra y pequeños productores con acceso limitado a medios de producción. En base a un estudio de caso en Puerto Piray (Misiones), se exploran sus estrategias laborales desde la categoría de “clases de trabajo”. Se argumenta que la diversidad de formas de trabajo y de actividades desplegadas para la reproducción de estas clases l encuentra un eje estructurador en la explotación del trabajo de las mujeres, en tanto son ellas quienes abarcan el continuo entre el trabajo reproductivo y el productivo.
The final chapter looks at the experience of family members, mainly women, who depended on a survivor’s pension after the death of the main breadwinner. It is divided into two sections, the first presents the history of the montepio, its origins in Spain and its importance in the colonial period, as well as its transformation after independence. It charts the requirements to acquire a pension and how these were adapted from those in colonial times, while maintaining much of its original integrity as a ‘paternal’ obligation to look after women and children. The second part of the chapter analyses a series of cases to look at how Juntas tended to follow regulation but had scope to make exceptions. It also shows how with time the system became stricter and Juntas spent more time ensuring the merits of the petitions and policing whether the recipients continued to be entitled to payment. It finishes by returning to Francisca Caballero and how she was stripped of her pension because of the process that sought to reduce payments.
The second chapter provides a panorama of what it meant to be a citizen soldier from the Tupac Amaru rebellion onwards and pays close attention to the events that led to the wars of independence and how these influenced what it meant to be part of the armed forces. The chapter is divided into four sections that explore different aspects of soldiering. The first one looks at recruitment. The second at the promotion and reward members received and how this changed through time. The third focuses on the militias and National Guards as well as on the complex and intertwined relationship between these and the regular army. The final section pays attention to uniforms and the crucial role they played in placing people in a hierarchical society. The narrative oscillates between the main political events from the wars of independence to the conflicts of the 1830s, while drawing deeply on the changing legislation and regulation pertaining to the armed forces, as well as providing examples of individuals whose experiences illustrate the points argued
Colonial militias shaped the republican armed forces, so the first section analyzes the Iberian origins of militias and during the conquest, their reform in the eighteenth century and during independence. Focusing on the development of notions of citizenship during the Age of Revolution and exploring the importance of the fueros and uniforms as incentives for participation. Colonial authorities grew wary on American subjects participating to wear fancy clothes and having their own corporate court. I also study how colonial administrations dealth with militias and the impact of militarization during Tupac Amaru’s rebellion and the first military campaigns after Napoleon’s invasion of the Iberian Peninsula. In a second section, I study the British, North American and French armed forces to compare them with the ones of the Spanish. I do this firstly because these armed forces were the most formidable at the time and there were important similarities and differences between them. And secondly, because it was precisely in these places where the ancient ideas of soldiers as citizens and citizens as soldiers was revived during the revolutionary era.
The conclusions aim to bring together all these strands and show how the armed forces in nineteenth century Peru were integral to the development of an incipient State, with a bureaucratic structure that can be clearly witnessed through the lived experience of its members. It is a social history of an institution that developed despite intense instability to provide a safety net for its members. This institution developed through trial and error, building from the colonial legislation ensuring pensions were handed out to the infirm, to those who had served for many years as well as to some surviving family members. With time this relationship between the army, its members, former members and their families became the glue that bound society to the armed forces, which in contrast to what had been often asserted in the past was much more than a collection of armed men mobilized by local leaders known as caudillos.
The third chapter is concerned with provisions for ill and incapacitated soldiers, what they could expect for what they characterized in their petitions as “blood spilled in battle”. It is divided into four sections that follow a historical background on the main events of the first years of the Republic. The first shows how the State looked after the infirm and how in the 1830s Juntas were set up the to examine the merits of the petitions. A second section investigates the procedures for retirement and the role played by the medical personnel who prepared the documents needed to support petitions. It offers examples of how the process became more institutionalized through the 1830s and 1840s. The third section is interested in the men who were severely wounded and how the State coped with their petitions. Some of these payments extended for longer and with time, more procedures were implemented to ensure those being paid were still deserving. The final section is concerned with the variations in the rewards provided to injured and infirm men. Despite there being clear regulations not all cases were treated in the same way.
This paper examines the gradual imposition of private property on agricultural land, mostly occupied by Indigenous communities, in the early nineteenth century by Andean republics’ ruling classes. The state’s weak authority and the Indigenous resistance to economic and political border advance impeded the immediate destruction of previous power structures, resulting in genuine statal formations in the region and clashes for the imposition of the newly adopted liberal ideas. This paper focuses on two early agricultural property privatization attempts in Bolivia, which have not been properly analyzed yet. First, José Ballivián’s governmental project, which resolved to dismantle the Indigenous communities through capitalist education, by placing “good examples” of white and mestizo colons between Indigenous lands using the legal formulation of emphyteusis, thus expanding the liberal conception of property and taxation and then making the existence of communal lands futile, achieving social homogeneity, enforcing capitalist production, and widening executive authority. Second, Jorge Mallo’s posterior pamphlet, which gave continuity to Ballivián’s policies through public opinion and linked them to the ones finally imposed in the second half of the century. Both initiatives were not successful but were remarkable steps in the process of Indigenous land usurpation by the state and white-mestizo colons.
This chapter concentrates on changing provision for retirement over time. In the first years of the republic when funds were scarce and civil wars constant, reform was repeatedly thwarted by recurring conflict both internal and external. Lack of funds further aggravated the State’s inability to provide. Acute instability, commonly known as ‘the anarchy’ followed, making attempts to reform the retirement system futile. In the mid 1840s the Peruvian State was able to provide pensions thanks to the advent of money linked to the sale of the bird-dung fertilizer called guano. President Ramón Castilla was able to pass new legislation and pay more. And it was at this point that institutionalization started to really gather pace. During the fourth period the State continued to provide generous pensions, but this was not enough to ensure stability and at mid-century civil war returned, impacting retirement policies. Finally, the fifth period is concerned with the policies implemented after mid-century when the military court, the fuero was dismantled. State capacity grew and more attention was given to following regulation and ensuring entitlements had been legally acquired.
The introduction presents the main arguments that will be developed in the book and how letters and petitions that were found in the military archive are the basis from which to argue that the military was an institution in the first half of the nineteenth century. The nearly one thousand case studies provide the information that makes it possible to understand the Peruvian armed forces. This chapter also covers the historiographical debate by discussing the notion of caudillos and how although most of the new republics have been seen as controlled by armed men on horseback, the military can be described as an insitution that while having a colonial origin, transformed throughout the wars of independence. The way in which those who became members of the armed forces is analyzed in detail showing that a social system of protection for those who were part of it developed from the colonial systems Comparisons are made with the cases of the United States, France, Spain and the rest of Latin America. This section ends with a description of the book’s structure and a description of each chapter.