This article contributes new knowledge on the insertion of Spain into the European integration project and shows how European Investment Bank (EIB) policy, in the form of loans, helped boost the Spanish economy. EIB loans to Spain promoted both the Trans-European Networks (TENs) and the funding of enterprises. We argue that the funding of TENs encouraged the integration of Spain into the European space, whilst the funding of enterprises helped consolidate their competitive position, facilitating their expansion abroad.

Building on a newly compiled database of all extant respondentia contracts from Manila’s notarial protocols between 1736 and 1800, this article examines the overlooked role that the Manila correspondencia played as the crucial private-order institutional mechanism financing Manila’s long-distance silver trade. This instrument organized the structure of long-distance capital flows stretching out from Manila across its intra-Asian and trans-Pacific commercial lines, allowing investors to make claims on future returns and apportion risks in the absence of an adequate public-order institutional framework for high volumes of exchange. Combining the respondentia dataset with account books for institutional lenders (the obras pías), we argue that the Manila correspondencia’s contractual elements offered a specific solution to the Fundamental Problem of Exchange between Asia and the Americas. The contract’s flexibility proved ideal for Manila’s diverse combination of individual and institutional investors to participate in the profits of cross-cultural trade, while offering security and guarantees.

This research examines whether women legislators represent more than their male counterparts the interests of disadvantaged groups in society, such as women themselves, the poor, migrants, LGBT groups, or indigenous peoples. Our main hypothesis is that women legislators are more active in promoting the interests of disadvantaged groups. Also, we expect to observe disparities in the representation of disadvantaged groups as a function of legislators’ ideology. To test our arguments, data are examined from parliamentary speeches and meetings with interest groups held in the Chilean Chamber of Deputies from 2014 to 2022. The inferences drawn from the data uphold the hypothesis that gender does affect the degree to which legislators represent the interests of disadvantaged groups. Moreover, ideology also explains variation: left-wing legislators embrace more often the representation of marginalized groups.

Scholars have debated Esteban Montejo ever since the publication of Biografía de un cimarrón (1966). This article analyses hitherto unexamined documentary records of Montejo’s participation in Cuban cinema, which illustrate how Montejo and cinematographers mutually constructed narratives of slavery, revolution and African-inspired death. Studies of Cuban revolutionary cinema have barely investigated the role of ‘informants’ in the process of film production, as most scholars continue to place film directors centre stage. This article shows how social actors engaged in memory work to shape the structures of Cuban history within an ‘audiovisual interface’. It takes its cue from scholars who have highlighted how Black Caribbean subjects engaged with the means of historical production, arguing that Montejo historicised his experiences with the archival tools of the revolutionary state but beyond a politics of national liberation.

US control over the Panama Canal symbolised Washington’s dominance in Latin America. The Torrijos–Carter Treaties of 1977, concluding years of negotiations, marked a turning point by transferring control over the Canal to Panama. This work focuses on the crucial May 1977 round of negotiations, a pivotal yet underexplored period, whose outcome laid the foundation for the treaties, addressing key issues such as control over the Canal Zone and the neutrality of the Canal. This study addresses gaps in the existing literature through newly available archival sources, offering a more detailed understanding of the negotiations that shaped the future of the Panama Canal.

How does the form of community dissent shape public support for coercive state policies? This article addresses this question through a vignette experiment on coca forced eradication in Colombia. Participants were randomly assigned to scenarios in which communities either verbally objected to or mobilized against coercive eradication efforts. Exposure to mobilization, compared to verbal objection, reduces support for both unconditional eradication and outright opposition. By contrast, it increases support for eradication conditioned on community consent. These effects are consistent across racial frames, suggesting that the impact of dissent form may transcend ethnic boundaries. We interpret these findings as evidence that visible, organized community dissent can shift public preferences toward more community-centered and conditional approaches. These findings contribute to research on protest, state coercion, and public opinion by showing that the form of dissent shapes support for coercive state interventions.