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This chapter applies the double-Headed analysis to the different types of relative clauses attested cross-linguistically (Externally Headed Post-nominal, Externally Headed Pre-nominal, Internally Headed, Double-Headed, Headless (or ‘Free’), Correlative, and Adjoined).
This chapter applies the double-Headed analysis to other types of relative clauses (nonrestrictive, kind-defining, infinitive, participial,ecc.) showing that the same configuration, modulo certain independent differences stemming from their different merge position, is appropriate to account for their properties.
This chapter summarizes the main results stemming from the double-Headed analysis of relative clauses proposed in this volume, with particular reference to the unification of all the attested relative clause types.
This chapter introduces the main goals of the volume: a unified analysis of all the attested relative clause types under both a 'raising' and a 'matching' derivation.
This chapter examines the different ways in which the internal Head is represented inside the relative clause (as an empty position, a pronominal, an epithet,etc.).
Language contact occurs when speakers of different languages interact and their languages influence one another. Drawing on the author's own first-hand observations of child and adult bilingualism, this book combines his original research with an up-to-date introduction to key concepts, to provide a holistic, original theory of contact linguistics. Going beyond a descriptive outline of contact phenomena, it introduces a theory of contact-induced language change, linking structural change to motivations in discourse and language processing. Since the first edition was published, the field has rapidly grown, and this fully revised edition covers all of the most recent developments, making it an invaluable resource for researchers and advanced students in linguistics.
We develop the mereological property of distance to explain the aspect and Aktionsart contingency of modal verbs. While the link between perfective-resultative aspect and root modality seems to be solid, aspectual imperfectivity is in no such solid connection with epistemic modality. The question is why this is so.
The ubiquitous notion of subjectivity (or subjectification) is critically scrutinized. It will be shown that a certain class of discourse particles and a solid class of modal verbs in German are specific carriers of a wide set of modalities: intransitive ones with root and epistemic modalities expressed by verbs, and transitive modalities as emanating from and the speaker to the hearer and back.
Modal verbs form a closed class of verbs in German(ic) to the extent that have a very particular origin and property: they come from a preterit stem, have ablaut, and behave correspondingly in modern contexts. Their shift of interpretation between root and epistemicity is due to aspectual contexts. In contrast to all other verbs, verbal clusters (modal verb embedding another verb) are built without the preposition TO. Modal verbs with an epistemic reading have a syntax radically different from that of roots: they cannot be embedded, but appear only as heads of clusters.
Conversational and conventional implicatures prevalent in the usage of modal particles explain deeper commonalities between modal particles, topic/thema, illocutionary force, and focus. As modal particles occur between free focus and verum focus, mirative unexpectedness is enacted. We discuss mirative import specified by the legacy of modal particle sources.