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JudiLing also offers the option of replacing the linear mappings with mappings implemented with multiple non-linear layers, often referred to as deep learning models. In this chapter, we provide a brief introduction to how DDL is implemented in JudiLing. However, this chapter is not intended as an introduction to machine learning. Therefore, even though we will introduce machine learning concepts briefly (and Box 11.1 contains a glossary of important terms, which are highlighted in italics on first mention in this chapter), we refer the interested reader to work such as Trask (2019) and Goodfellow et al. (2016) to learn more about the various components of deep learning models and their training regimes.
The stage-level/individual-level distinction, which has so far been limited to verbal and adjectival predicates, should be extended to (underived) nominal predicates as well. Specifically, while simple nominals are individual-level predicates, event nominals and inalienable possession nominals are stage-level predicates. The currently prevailing distinction between the stage-level and individual-level predicates, that is, whether a predicate denotes a transitory state or an inherent and unchangeable stage, must be reconsidered. Current suggestions in line with this move will be discussed.
The status of subject clitics in French has been heavily debated (Kayne 1975, Rizzi 1986, Roberge 1990, Auger 1994b, Miller & Sag 1997, De Cat 2007b, and many others). Distributional properties of French subject clitics have led Kayne (1975), Rizzi (1986), and others to analyze them as argument-bearing elements occupying canonical subject position, cliticizing to the verb only at the level of the phonology. While this hypothesis enjoys a wide following, a growing body of evidence suggests that it fails to capture patterns of subject-clitic use in colloquial French dialects/registers (Roberge 1990, Auger 1994b, Zribi-Hertz 1994, Miller & Sag 1997). Using new evidence from prosodic and corpus analyses, speaker judgments, and crosslinguistic typology, this article argues that (i) European Colloquial French exhibits differences from Standard French that impact how subject clitics are best analyzed, and more specifically (ii) subject clitics in European Colloquial French are affixal agreement markers, not phonological clitic arguments.