With regard to the vowel of the final syllable, Hesychius offers a gloss K · ‘E ‘H, and on this basis some modern scholars distinguish a god Kandaulas and a king Kandaules. I think that the validity of this distinction may be doubted. Hipponax’ vocative K is the proper form to K, cf. . So Hesychius, if his copyists are not at fault, has either formed the nominative wrongly from K or drawn on a non-Ionic source. For Ionic we need reckon with K and with nothing else.

The idea that functional load offers a tool of potentially great explanatory power in diachronic linguistics is shared by a number of contemporary linguists, particularly those influenced at first or second hand by Prague. It is the purpose of the present paper to investigate the hypothesis that functional load plays a significant role in sound change. I will attempt to demonstrate that functional load, if it is a factor in sound change at all, is one of the least important of those we know anything about, and that it is best disregarded in discussions centering on the cause and direction of phonological change.

In grammars of Germanic the reflexes of the PIE resonants, /y w r l m n/, are presented either inadequately or unsystematically. Prokosch devotes but a few pages to them, in contrast with his thirty-odd pages on the reflexes of the obstruents. Streitberg deals with them somewhat more fully, at various places in his treatment of Germanic phonology, but his chief interest is in the assimilatory and dissimilatory changes in which they are involved. The relative neglect of the resonants is understandable, for until Edgerton described in detail the allophonic distribution of the PIE resonants, it seemed completely adequate to cite an example or two of the correspondences between PIE [y w r 1 m n] and PGmc. [y w r 1 m n], or PIE [i u] and PGmc. [i u], and then to state with examples that a [u] developed in the neighborhood of PIE syllabic . If however we accept Sievers' law in Edgerton's formulation, we cannot pass over the Gmc. developments of the PIE resonants so lightly. Since we now expect grammars to present full and systematic statements of the general lines of development of a language, future treatments of PGmc. will have to describe in some detail the developments of the resonants into Germanic. In this paper the general outlines will be sketched, especially those environments which have been inadequately treated in the past.

[A large part of the Slavic ne-presents, probably all imperfectives, have replaced older je-presents, a number of which are still preserved in Old Church Slavic and Later Church Slavic, especially Old Russian.]

Alteration of root consonants is a frequent means of expressing the diminutive in many of the languages of western North America. Interlingual comparison reveals phonetic consistencies between diminutive shifts of the languages for which information on sound symbolism is available. Increased hardness of articulation and higher pitch constitute the phonetic bases of diminutive shifting. Markedness and the form of the phonemic system are less important than phonetic criteria in determining shift types. In spite of gaps in the available data, some observations can be made concerning areal distribution and historical implications of shift types.