To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
This chapter analyses the relationship between alterity and the conception of ‘democracy-to-come’ that emerges in the later writings of Jacques Derrida. It argues that though the letter of democratic politics signifies its meaning as rule, the spirit of democracy is its radical openness to the alterity of others, and that, in this meeting between democracy's letter and its spirit rests the only hope for democracy. It contends that this willingness and openness, this alterity at the heart of political action is the very essence of democracy.
This chapter examines the way in which alterity is visually represented in Western media coverage of humanitarian disasters in the global South in terms of either pathologisation or victimization. It contends that the visual representation and mediation of distant events and persons have had an unprecedented constitutive power for the way that liberal democracy engages with alterity. This chapter establishes the representational and institutional conditions within which a humanitarian scopic regime operates and explores the aporetic nature of this regime's engagement with otherness and the dynamics through which it cannot but simultaneously negate and produce alterity in a manner that problematises the democratic imaginary. It also explores how cosmopolitan visuality posits alterity as both a fundamental problem and a challenge for democracy.
This study analyses the diversification of the South Korean legal field following institutional changes. South Korean reforms to legal education and legal practice between 2007 and 2011, specifically the 2007 Act on the Establishment and Management of Professional Law Schools and the 2011 Attorney-at-Law Act amendments, expanded the pool of new attorneys and increased the number of law firms. The government increased the supply of lawyers by reforming the legal education system, while concurrent regulations promoted gender diversity in the system. Restrictions on establishing law firms were loosened. Using data on founding partners who established law firms in South Korea from 2000 to 2016, this study examines the effects of these legal reforms on the gender diversity of founding law firm partners. The findings reveal that the proportion of women among founding partners increased following these reforms, suggesting that the institutional changes encouraged gender desegregation in the Korean legal field.
Should we adopt broad, anticipatory regulatory frameworks for AI to address its wide-ranging societal impacts? This Article argues that such a universal approach is misguided. Instead, it contends that we should adopt a two-track regulatory strategy that maintains agnosticism about AI’s uncertain long-term trajectory while implementing targeted interventions to address specific, documented harms in the present. The Article develops this argument through a case study of generative AI systems in digital media, examining how these technologies are reshaping the algorithmic dynamics of the public sphere. Tracing the ways in which AI-powered content generation and curation are amplifying long-standing challenges like the erosion of shared epistemic foundations, the entrenchment of echo chambers, and the concentration of informational power, the Article highlights the limitations of the EU’s horizontal AI Act and the potential of China’s more focused, domain-specific approach to regulating these harms. Drawing on this analysis, it makes the case for a hybrid governance model that combines targeted oversight of AI’s known dangers with a continuing spirit of regulatory humility and openness toward its transformative potential. In an age of rapid technological change, this balancing act offers a path beyond the false choice between reactive overregulation and reckless laissez-faire - one that remains attuned to AI’s contextual nuances while advancing the public interest.
This chapter focuses on the politics of recognition that are so central to contemporary democratic thought. It analyses recognition in terms of its other modalities, espionage and camouflage. It describes the way in which liberal-democratic calls for recognition function to bracket alterity and explains what occurs within the so-called brackets of recognition. The analysis reveals that discourses of belonging in late liberalism produce injustice rather than justice, insofar as belonging is explicitly limited to those who are sufficiently ‘like us’.
This chapter examines the relation between otherness and violence by inquiring into the language used to incite and defend group combat and genocide. It argues that when groups hold out the promise of immortality tied to group membership, this enables a paradigm of sacrifice that accommodates mass, systemic violence directed against groups distinguished by hereditary or religious differences. This chapter also reviews the means by which nation and religion create the structures appealing to their members' desire for immortality and analyses how this desire for immortality manifests in discourses of sacrifice. It also looks at first-person narratives referenced by Adolf Hitler and former U.S. President George Bush.
In this paper, I argue that the 2021 update to Facebook’s Community Standards on hate speech that distinguishes between “attacks on people” and “attacks against concepts and institutions” represented a shift in Meta’s content moderation policies from a consequentialist United States First Amendment influenced view of free speech to a constitutive approach that is responsive to the “real-world” harm of the virality of hate speech online in contexts such as India. To illustrate this argument, I focus on Meta’s response to “attacks against Islam and The Prophet” that are regularly used to attack Muslims by Hindu nationalists and their supporters, in India and abroad. The weaponisation of hate speech and the virality of speech-acts afforded by Facebook and other platforms by Hindu nationalists and their supporters to subordinate minorities and dissenting voices is one of the many contemporary practices that have contributed to the production of majoritarian legality in India.
This chapter considers the unending work of democracy in producing ‘subjects’. It outlines how the crisis facing democracy has been misdiagnosed in various strands of recent liberal thought as one about the accommodation of diverse Others and how a more precise diagnosis may be found by examining the work of democracy rather than theorizing its ideal version. This chapter proposes that the work of democracy in constituting subjects can be radicalized by taking accounts of meaning-making by opening up and being responsive to the possibility of making new and different kinds of subjects.
This chapter begins with a brief background to crimes against humanity. It then discusses Article 7(1) covering the origins and development Article 7(1)(a) Murder; Article 7(1)(b) Extermination; Article 7(1)(c) Enslavement; Article 7(1)(d) Deportation or forcible transfer; Article 7(1)(e) Imprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical liberty; Article 7(1)(f) Torture; Article 7(1)(g) Rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilisation, or sexual violence; Article 7(1)(h) Persecution; Article 7(1)(i) Enforced disappearance of persons; Article 7(1)(j) Apartheid; and Article 7(1)(k) Other inhumane acts.
In recent years, as the technological revolution has had an impact on all organizations and individuals across the world, the legal world has grappled with change and whether existing arrangements are appropriate where technological change raises challenges that require rapid attention. Courts, lawyers, law firms, experts, and others may have initially considered that the impacts would not be significant. That is, there was a hope that the impacts of newer technological solutions that are supported by artificial intelligence (AI) would make life easier, speed up justice and potentially reduce costs while streamlining existing processes. However, AI has prompted a rethink in relation to governance arrangements across the sector partly because there are significant risks as well as opportunities offered by the AI revolution. A dawning realisation that AI may require different working and supervisory arrangements as innovative options become available has led government and the private sector to produce AI guidelines, guardrails, legislation, codes, and mechanisms. However, existing governance approaches may no longer be fit for purpose in the legal realm partly because the issues that are linked to confidentiality and accuracy can be so significant. This Article considers the governance approaches adopted internationally with reference to selected comparative approaches as well as the pitfalls of adopting poor governance arrangements, concluding by proposing core components of good practice in organizational AI governance.
This chapter addresses the limitations of contemporary debates on ethics and democracy. It discusses the notion of heteronomous freedom and its relation to ethical obligation, political antagonism and sexual difference. It proposes a feminist democratic praxis and an ethics of dissensus, which opposes the conservative political work performed by privatized moral discourse and is inseparable from transformative praxis which aims to change unjust power relations and to acknowledge infinite responsibility for violence and the oppression of others. This chapter argues that the effectiveness of democratic struggles against racist and sexist oppression depend on an ethical-political understanding of freedom that side-steps the seemingly intractable debate between the two positions available today: the liberal position that seeks normative criteria for the determination of political justice beyond difference and the communitarian position that advocates the continued contestation or negotiation of heterogeneous forces based on an ethical obligation to the other.