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This chapter focuses upon the International Federation for Chemical, Energy, Mine and General Workers (ICEM), a longer established global union federation with more a formal hierarchical organizational structure, with power largely centred on national affiliates. Its primary objective is concerned with improving the working conditions of its membership worldwide and contesting employment change through formal state structures.
This chapter considers theoretical approaches to the study of networks, including conceptions of networking as a political practice. It briefly considers claims that have been made about networks and the emergence of global civil society. It discusses global justice networks (GJNs), and their key characteristics of diversity, creativity, convergence, scale politics, and the creation of spaces of participatory democracy and solidarity. It argues that they do not ‘act’ as a coherent actor in the manner of social movements, although some GJNs may come together, in particular times and places, in order to prosecute specific campaigns or global days of action.
This chapter considers People's Global Action (Asia), a recently established, non-hierarchical global network of diverse Asian grassroots social movements and activists, committed to decentralisation and political initiatives outside the realm of formal state politics. Its main function is to oppose the destructive consequences of neoliberal policies and to develop concrete alternatives.
This chapter summarises the key themes and findings of the book and evaluates current theoretical and empirical debates about global civil society, participative democracy, and transnational solidarity within global justice networks (GJNs). It argues that issues of space and scale are critical to the sustainability and future strategy of GJNs. Tensions arise between developing more horizontalist networks that facilitate democracy and grassroots participation, and the need to develop structures that can relay a global consciousness down to local activists. This chapter argues that understanding the potential for GJNs to develop a sustainable politics of international solidarity involves not just understanding the way that the ‘local’ is enmeshed in wider spatial relations, but also, and perhaps more critically, assessing how the ‘global’ is invoked in struggles that take place nationally and locally.
This book explores the political implications of violence and alterity (radical difference) for the practice of democracy, and reformulates the possibility of community that democracy is said to entail. Most significantly, contributors intervene in traditional democratic theory by contesting the widely held assumption that increased inclusion, tolerance and cultural recognition are democracy's sufficient conditions. Rather than simply inquiring how best to expand the ‘demos’, they investigate how claims to self-determination, identity and sovereignty are a problem for democracy, and how, paradoxically, alterity may be its greatest strength. Contributions include an appeal to the tension between fear and love in the face of anti-Semitism in Poland, injunctions to rethink the identity-difference binary and the ideal of ‘mutual recognition’ that dominate liberal-democratic thought, critiques of the canonical ‘we’ which constitutes the democratic community, and a call for an ethics and a politics of ‘dissensus’ in democratic struggles against racist and sexist oppression. The contributors mobilise some of the most powerful critical insights emerging across the social sciences and humanities—from anthropology, sociology, critical legal studies, Marxism, psychoanalysis, critical race theory and post-colonial studies—to reconsider the meaning and the possibility of ‘democracy’ in the face of its contemporary crisis.
This book is about conscience and moral clarity. It asks how some people keep their judgment steadfast even when many around them are swept away by conspiracy theories, moral panics, and murderous ideologies-or, on a smaller scale, by immersion in a corrupt and corrupting workplace culture. It asks about the surprising fragility of common sense, including moral common sense, and it asks where morality fits into a meaningful human life. Beyond this, the book asks about legal accountability for crimes committed when moral judgment fails on a vast and deadly scale. Hannah Arendt addressed all these questions in a profound and original way. Drawing on her published works, letters, diaries, and notes, David Luban offers clear accounts of Arendt's contributions to moral philosophy and international law, showing how her ideas about judgment and accountability remain crucially important to the moral and legal life of our century.
This book provides a critical analysis of the definitions of war crimes and crimes against humanity as construed in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Each crime is discussed from its origins in treaty or customary international law, through developments as a result of the jurisprudence of modern ad hoc or internationalised tribunals, to modifications introduced by the Rome Statute and the Elements of Crimes. The influence of human rights law upon the definition of crimes is discussed, as is the possible impact of State reservations on the underlying treaties that form the basis for the conduct covered by the offences in the Rome Statute. Examples are also given from recent conflicts to aid a ‘real-life’ discussion of the type of conduct over which the International Criminal Court may take jurisdiction.
The 1948 war that led to the creation of the State of Israel also resulted in the destruction of Palestinian society, when some 80 per cent of the Palestinians who lived in the major part of Palestine upon which Israel was established became refugees. Israelis call the 1948 war their ‘War of Independence’ and the Palestinians their ‘Nakba’, or catastrophe. After many years of Nakba denial, land appropriation, political discrimination against the Palestinians within Israel and the denial of rights to Palestinian refugees, in recent years the Nakba is beginning to penetrate Israeli public discourse. This book explores the construction of collective memory in Israeli society, where the memory of the trauma of the Holocaust and of Israel's war dead competes with the memory claims of the dispossessed Palestinians. Taking an auto-ethnographic approach, it makes a contribution to social memory studies through a critical evaluation of the co-memoration of the Palestinian Nakba by Israeli Jews. Against a background of the Israeli resistance movement, the book's central argument is that co-memorating the Nakba by Israeli Jews is motivated by an unresolved melancholia about the disappearance of Palestine and the dispossession of the Palestinians, a melancholia which shifts mourning from the lost object to the grieving subject. The book theorises Nakba co-memory as a politics of resistance, counterpoising co-memorative practices by internally displaced Israeli Palestinians with Israeli Jewish discourses of the Palestinian right of return, and questions whether return narratives by Israeli Jews are ultimately about Israeli Jewish self-healing.
Elections are moments when nations confront uncertainty about their future and re-examine their past. The present research investigated how two temporal, group-based emotions jointly shape political preferences and behaviour: collective nostalgia (longing for the group’s past) and collective angst (concern for the group’s future). We focused on the 2024 United States federal election, examining how civic-focused nostalgia (longing for civility and institutional trust) and homogeneity-focused nostalgia (longing for cultural and moral uniformity), together with collective angst, predicted three outcomes: support for strong leadership, voting intentions, and actual voting behaviour. Participants (N = 282) completed measures of these constructs pre-election (Time 1), with voting behaviour assessed post-election (Time 2). Results revealed that both civic- and homogeneity-focused nostalgia were associated with greater general support for strong leadership, but collective angst only predicted such support when civic nostalgia was low. Homogeneity-focused nostalgia robustly predicted Trump voting intentions and behaviour, whereas civic nostalgia predicted support for Harris. Collective angst interacted with homogeneity nostalgia to amplify pro-Trump voting, suggesting that anxiety about the group’s future magnifies the political consequences of longing for a homogeneous past. These findings illuminate how emotional orientations towards the past and future jointly guide democratic decision-making.
While codes/architectures in cyberspace are usually considered to regulate human activity, the productive dimension of such power has less been discussed. Codes/architectures also change market mechanisms, largely due to the evolution of digital platforms as drivers of new modes of production, increasingly becoming a powerful organizing body that mobilizes and manages productive resources like goods, services, information, human capital, money, et cetera, ostensibly through market mechanisms and processes. It is therefore necessary to further explore how market mechanisms have changed under the shaping of digital platforms and, indirectly, how the legal rules surrounding market resources, structures, competitive behaviors, distribution, and other dimensions need to be adjusted accordingly. This Article attempts to further identify the dual attributes of platforms, focusing on how market mechanisms have been affected by changes in modes of production, changing their operation and adapting to advances in productivity, and evolving from a traditional free market to a more cybernetic marketplace, and indirectly to a more controlled marketplace, which indirectly requires the corresponding legal rules to be adjusted. In this sense, digital markets and platform organizations are two sides of the same coin, and this Article discusses the functions of the two in some of the argumentative paragraphs without distinguishing between them.
The emergence of generative artificial intelligence (generative AI) has profoundly reshaped content creation by lowering marginal costs, altering the role of human creators, and restructuring industrial processes. These shifts pose three critical challenges for intellectual property (IP) frameworks: redefining creative behaviors in human–AI collaborations, sustaining incentives for innovation, and addressing gaps in copyright mechanisms. Against this backdrop, the Beijing Internet Court (BIC) issued China’s first judicial ruling on the copyrightability of AI-generated images in 2023. The court held that AI-generated content (AIGC) could qualify for copyright if there is demonstrable human intellectual input and originality. However, the ruling also emphasized the need for case-by-case assessments, particularly in hybrid human–AI creative processes. This landmark decision has sparked intense debate over whether and how AIGC should be considered as a “work” under copyright law, with particular focus on requirement of human authorship and the threshold of originality. In addition, a systematic analysis of the AIGC value chain highlights the far-reaching implications of human authorship claims for various stakeholders, including creators, AI developers, prompt engineers, and end users. To address these emerging legal and ethical issues, this Article proposes two key reforms: first, extending the scope of fair use under Article 24 of China’s Copyright Law to account for AI-generated works, and second establishing a “whitelist” mechanism in the Regulations for the Implementation of the Copyright Law. These measures aim to balance the protection of human creativity, ensure equitable value distribution among stakeholders, and foster sustainable innovation in the AI-driven creative ecosystem.
This introductory chapter discusses the theme of this volume, which is about the ‘crisis’ of democracy that is manifest in the increased violence provoked by radical difference or alterity in Western democratic communities and its significance for the thinking and the practical development of democracy today. This volume examines the debates about the relationship between democratic community and intolerable or violently untolerated ‘others’ and the debates about the nature of identity and the possibility of radical democratic critique. It explores the relation between democracy and alterity with respect to power, with respect to the production of subjects and citizens, and with respect to political intervention and resistance. It also analyses the nature of democracy as alterity with respect to the nature of political critique and with respect to the aporetic quality of democracy itself.
This Article examines the “human in the loop” argument regarding the increasing use of artificial intelligence (AI) in court proceedings, challenging the intuition that AI assistance is inherently less problematic than full delegation. It argues that even limited AI support can risk blurring the lines between human and AI decision-making, posing significant dangers for human judgment in critical judicial functions.
The Article starts out by identifying the main arguments in favor of human oversight and categorizing them into technological, legal, and psychological reasoning in Section B. It then shifts focus to the potential dangers of applying the “human in the loop” concept to judicial decision-making in Section C. The analysis highlights the fundamentally different modes of operation between humans and AI, particularly in handling natural language and legal reasoning. Furthermore, it explores how human judges might become over-reliant on AI, effectively acting as “rubber stampers” and leading to eroding human vigilance, skills, and independent judgment. To illustrate the complexities of these dynamics, the Article categorizes various AI tools used in court proceedings based on their degree of involvement and effect on judicial decision-making in Section D.
The Article concludes by urging us to rethink our current understanding of “co-working” with AI as a universal remedy and putting emphasis on a clear division of labor instead, as discussed in Section E. For those scenarios where human and AI contributions are deeply interwoven, the Article stresses the need for making a conscious decision whether AI or a human judge should perform the underlying tasks in the future.
This chapter analyses democracy in relation to Jacques Derrida's 1982 essay The ends of man. It argues that Derrida's contribution to thinking about democracy is his belief that democracy is an impossible possibility, insofar as it is both enabled and ultimately threatened by what can never be brought under the sign of ‘we’. This chapter also contends that Derrida's various attempts to define democracy within the history of Western political thought allowed him to trace its fundamental aporias, particularly the contradiction between freedom and equality.