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This chapter reviews the memory and melancholia nexus through several prisms. It starts by asking whether Israeli-Jewish Nakba co-memoration ultimately serves to construct activists' Jewish identity with melancholia being not for the land or the lost Palestinians, but rather for an uncomplicated and idyllic lost Jewish Israeli identity. It then revisits Nakba co-memory as a politics of resistance and counterposing co-memorative practices. It asks whether Israeli Jews engaged in the co-memory work what David Goldberg calls ‘racial melancholia’. National identity serves as an instrument of separating ‘us’ from ‘them’, as national identity, differently from all other identities, and demands exclusive allegiance and fidelity. The necessary conclusion of co-memorating the Nakba must be recognising the Palestinian right of return. Most Jewish immigrants to Palestine and then to Israel did harbour a vision of a new, free, Jewish life.
This chapter describes the psychic reproduction of Nakba comemory by Israeli Jews. It discusses Sigmund Freud's ‘Mourning and melancholia’. It reports Haim Bresheeth's rereading of Freud. It then develops Bresheeth's line of inquiry about Palestinian film-making about the Nakba. The preoccupation of some Israelis with Palestine and the Nakba may provide a creative way of assuaging the melancholia engendered by the destruction of Palestine. Haim Guri's work depicts the illusory paradox of the simultaneous Israeli Jewish melancholic yearning for the loss of Palestine and the delusion that conquest means co-existence. It is suggested that the shadow of the Palestinians' pre-1948 existence and of their dispossession impinges in ways which cannot always be accounted for rationally, resulting in grief which is not necessarily given to a successful resolution of mourning work, resulting rather in ongoing melancholia which pushes some of ‘us’ into the arms of a like-minded political (or comemorative) community.
There has been a recent turn toward a new form of nonpositivism in Anglo-American jurisprudence. This paper focuses on the theories articulated by Mark Greenberg and Scott Hershovitz (I label their views as the “New Legal Anti-Positivism” or NLAP). NLAP argues that questions about legal rights and obligations are moral questions; that legal reasoning is a form of moral reasoning; and that there is no domain of legal normativity that stands independently of moral considerations. This paper doesn’t offer a decisive argument against NLAP. Instead, it argues that NLAP is distinctively American: it relies on certain aspects of American legal practice that are not representative of other legal systems. To the extent that general jurisprudence attempts to offer a relatively general theory of law, theories that can accommodate variations across legal cultures are better than those that cannot. This is a relevant consideration against NLAP.
This chapter considers the political affect of democracy. It analyses the response to violent deaths in communities in Montreal and Edmonton, Canada. It describes the forms of memorialisation through which the violently dead are remembered in order to understand the complex ways that violence, loss, identity, identification and public memorial history are caught up with each other. It also problematises remembrance practices that operate through modes of identification and proposes a conception of democracy that could be conceived as something other than other as same, history as past, and progress as necessitating destruction.
The World Health Organization has declared 2021–2030 the “Decade of Healthy Ageing”, aiming for the best quality of life through health as the population ages. Beyond healthy ageing, scientists are adopting artificial intelligence technologies for longevity science which can foreseeably enable humans to routinely live to 120 years and beyond. With such breakthroughs within reach, the challenges associated with longevity need to be considered, from the impact on the social system to the possibility of an international law right to longevity, along with associated considerations such as on sustainability. This article questions whether there already is, or should be, an international human right to facilitate considerably extended lifespans, along with other relevant legal frameworks.
This article examines Turkey’s constitutional trajectory through Carl Schmitt’s concepts of sovereignty, exception and dictatorship. It argues that Turkey’s political development cannot be fully understood as a process of gradual democratic erosion alone but must be analyzed as a sequence of constitutional ruptures in which exceptional powers have repeatedly redefined sovereign authority. From Abdülhamid II’s suspension of the 1876 Constitution to the Grand National Assembly’s exercise of wartime sovereignty in 1921, the military interventions of 1960 and 1980, and President Erdoğan’s post-2016 consolidation of power, sovereignty has shifted among personal, collective and institutional actors capable of suspending legality and founding new constitutional orders. By situating Turkey within a longer history of sovereign reconstitution, the article critically reworks Schmitt’s framework to show how emergency provisions – initially designed to defend constitutional order – can be transformed into instruments of constitutional refoundation. It demonstrates how commissarial responses to crisis may evolve into sovereign dictatorships, enabling regime transformation under the appearance of legal continuity. In doing so, the article contributes to debates on authoritarian constitutionalism and emergency governance by clarifying the constitutional mechanisms through which legality is suspended, reconfigured and redeployed. Beyond the Turkish case, the article advances a broader comparative agenda for global constitutionalism: integrating the study of democratic erosion with an analysis of sovereign reconstitution in moments of exception, thereby illuminating how contemporary constitutional orders are reshaped through crisis.
This book starts by presenting the deconstruction of the myths presented which enabled the denial of the destruction of Palestine. Questions of guilt, responsibility and accountability are regularly debated in Israel in relation to Nazi culpability. It also reviews the layers of denial the story of the Nakba encountered. It investigates Nakba co-memory practices from an anti-Zionist rather than Zionist standpoint. Jeffrey Olick explores the moral agonies of German defeat, the most consequential for Germans. There is a link between denial and ‘working through’ in the exploration of the co-memorative work by Israeli Jews. Moreover, this book interrogates the potentialities of internal emigration, questioning whether such co-memoration ultimately appropriates the Palestinian memorising voice. It then presents an Israeli-Jewish story about Palestine.
Since the public release of ChatGPT in November 2022, the artificial intelligence (AI) landscape is undergoing a rapid transformation. Currently, the use of AI chatbots by consumers has largely been limited to image generation or question-answering language models. The next generation of AI systems, AI agents that can plan and execute complex tasks with only limited human involvement, will be capable of a much broader range of actions. In particular, consumers could soon be able to delegate purchasing decisions to AI agents acting as “Custobots.” Against this background, the Article explores whether EU consumer law, as it currently stands, is ready for the rise of the Custobot Economy. In doing so, the Article makes three contributions. First, it outlines how the advent of AI agents could change the existing e-commerce landscape. Second, it explains how AI agents challenge the premises of a human-centric consumer law which is based on the assumption that consumption decisions are made by humans. Third, the Article presents some initial considerations how a future consumer law could look like that works for both humans and machines.
This chapter describes the construction of the reawakening of the Israeli Jewish memory of the Nakba as a ‘road to Damascus’ tale told by post- and anti-Zionist Israeli Jews. It tries to fathom the preoccupation of Israeli scholars with Palestine and the Palestinians and asking, after Saul Friedländer's theorisation of Nazism, kitsch and death, whether the Israeli left's preoccupation with the Nakba might harbour a degree of prurient fascination with Israeli atrocities. It then reviews the distinctions between the terms anti-Zionism and post-Zionism. Friedländer's argument is that there is a ‘new discourse’ on Nazism that denotes a kind of aesthetic titillation borne out of the association of Nazism with death. The prominence of the Zionist discourse means that the Israeli Damascene narratives often struggle with the tellers' self-definitions. David Grossman uses his observations to envisage a better future.
Article 5(1)(c) of the EU AI Act is widely reported as a ban on using AI systems to score individuals’ social behavior, and such ban was likely motivated, at least in some part, by European lawmakers’ concerns over the widely misrepresented dystopian scenario of China’s Social Credit System. However, as the text of the provision presents considerable interpretive uncertainties, it could potentially lead to the prohibition of scoring practices that have been commonplace and socially beneficial both before and after the advent of AI and algorithms. Alternatively, the provision can be interpreted and implemented narrowly—and perhaps must be—so that most existing and potentially implementable scoring practices are not unnecessarily affected. The European Commission’s guidelines publicized in early 2025 suggest that authorities may be leaning towards such narrow reading. A narrow reading is also necessary when one understands the role that social scoring plays in human societies. And by drawing on China’s experiences with implementing and regulating its Social Credit System (SCS), policymakers around the world may also realize that there are feasible options for regulating AI-based social scoring practices instead of insisting on an outright ban.
An enduring access-to-justice crisis leaves most low- and middle-income people without meaningful assistance for civil legal problems. In response, several U.S. jurisdictions have experimented with licensing legal paraprofessionals—such as Limited License Legal Technicians (LLLTs)—to provide a circumscribed set of services directly to the public. Using Washington State’s pioneering LLLT program and its successors as a case study, this Article argues that paraprofessional reforms have under-delivered because they replicate key features of the traditional professional model: substantial educational prerequisites, supervised practice requirements, and high-stakes examinations that raise entry costs, limit supply, and constrain scalability.
The Article contends that modern AI changes the production function of routine legal work—particularly client intake, document preparation, and the translation of facts into legally relevant narratives—yet AI deployed directly to consumers poses serious risks, including error, bias, confidentiality threats, and jurisdictional mismatch, and it cannot reliably identify when a matter requires escalation to a lawyer. The Article therefore proposes an “AI–paraprofessional fusion” model: purpose-built, jurisdiction-specific AI tools paired with lightly trained human paraprofessionals who provide process guidance, verify and quality-control outputs, and triage cases for escalation when warranted.
Finally, because unauthorized-practice rules are state-created constraints that helped produce today’s scarcity, the Article argues that the AI infrastructure enabling this model should be developed and maintained as a public good—auditable, updateable, and broadly accessible—rather than left solely to private market incentives. This approach offers a scalable path for United States jurisdictions—and potentially others—to expand competent, lower-cost legal assistance while preserving safety through human oversight and clear escalation channels.
There is a widespread sense among international economic lawyers that the most-favored-nation obligation, as the expression of a nondiscrimination norm is fundamental for international trade law. But ought they adorn MFN with its normative halo? This article studies the historical emergence of the MFN-as-fundamental mythology. It shows that this mythology is the outcome of three controversial projects over the course of the twentieth century. Embedded historically, they reveal that much less than nondiscrimination, MFN has historically been the vector for drawing the boundaries across which discrimination operates, whether between imperial powers and colonies, or between the West and the East. It is only out of a relatively recent, and intellectually radical turn that MFN became synonymous with the very idea of a universalist, nondiscrimination-centric, international trade law. But that intellectual universe—ordoliberalism—now being past us, this Article asks what account can we offer of alternative norms that have structured international trade law.
This book has examined crimes against humanity and war crimes under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). This concluding chapter commences by considering how this interpretation of crimes may be affected by national prosecutions of war crimes and crimes against humanity under the principle of complementarity. Next, it considers the influence that reservations and interpretative declarations to the Conventions which form the basis of Article 8, or interpretative declarations to the Rome Statute, have on the definition of crimes. Then, the question of whether some of the crimes are still insufficiently defined to enable a fair trial in accordance with the principle of legality is addressed. The chapter also reviews the influence of human rights law upon the definition of crimes in the Rome Statute and questions whether human rights bodies may provide an effective alternative method of ending impunity for conduct described in Articles 7 and 8 rather than prosecutions before the ICC. The Rome Statute is praised for its approach to gender issues in the definition of crimes but criticised for failure to address sufficiently the issue of prohibited weapons. Finally, the particular problems of applying international humanitarian law in non-international armed conflicts and the extent to which Article 8(2)(e) of the Rome Statute addresses these concerns are discussed.
Despite their status as a formally protected group in US immigration law, unaccompanied minors are not guaranteed legal representation. Facing removal proceedings in immigration court alone places children at high risk of deportation back to danger and deprivation in their home countries. Limited funding exists for migrant-serving legal aid organizations, and indigent children’s demand for free legal services far outpaces the available supply. This article examines access to counsel among unaccompanied minors in removal proceedings in US immigration court using a newly compiled administrative dataset comprising nearly four hundred thousand cases. We contribute to access-to-justice scholarship on the “justice gap”—the difference between the number of people experiencing civil legal problems who could benefit from legal assistance and those who receive it. Past research on immigrant adults and the broader civil legal realm has focused on geographic factors and resource availability as determinants of access to counsel. We find that these are also important determinants of access to counsel among immigrant children. In addition, we show that client characteristics—namely, gender, age, nationality, and Indigeneity—that potentially shape the viability of the case in immigration court, and, thereby, attorneys’ client selection practices, also act as determinants of access to counsel.