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The ability to combine technological innovation with innovation in product design has been recognized by business historians as an important characteristic of a successful business. This article examines the use of product design as a source of competitive advantage by leading firms in the Manchester cotton, Macclesfield silk, and Staffordshire pottery sectors in the period 1750–1860. Four design strategies are identified: copying (direct imitation and adaptation), commissioning, capacity building, and collaboration. Distinction is made between proactive firms, which innovated whenever there was an opportunity, and reactive firms, which innovated only when necessary.
We highlight the role of cash-flow uncertainty on corporate employment and investment. We find that a 1% increase in cash-flow uncertainty leads to a 0.62% decrease in tangible investment, a 1.39% decrease in intangible investment, and a 3.67% decrease in corporate employment growth. Our results are statistically and economically significant. We further find that these relationships are stronger during economic recessions. Our findings have significant policy implications. To wit, if policy makers would like corporations to increase their employment and investment, they should focus on policies that decrease corporate cash-flow uncertainty.
Cooperative corporate behavior has often been explained through the social anatomy of business leaders and structural ties among firms. Our alternative approach investigates how quotidian interactions built trust and routines among a group of major firms in the Australian wool trade—a sector that required regular interaction to be effective. Deploying extensive archives of their meetings, we use social network analysis to examine interactions among the key group of firms and individuals. Through content analysis we infer the behavior and atmosphere of meetings. Finally, an evaluation of meeting agendas and outcomes demonstrates cooperation and a shared commitment to improving the operation of the wool trade in the 1920s.
This is a case study of the U.S. pharmaceutical producer, Merck & Co. By 1940 this was one of the leading pharmaceutical producers in the United States, and the company went on to become one of the global industry leaders after World War II. It was founded in 1891 as the U.S. subsidiary of a much larger German pharmaceutical company, E. Merck of Darmstadt. The existing understanding of Merck & Co.’s history emphasizes how it was reacquired by the American branch of the Merck family after wartime sequestration, and from then onward it pursued a path of development separate from its former parent. This article revisits that history of the company and shows how the two Mercks began to cooperate and share technology and manufacturing know-how during the 1930s, something that was particularly to the advantage of Merck & Co.
In benefit-cost analysis, fatality risk reductions are usually valued based on estimates of adults’ willingness to pay for changes in their own risks, regardless of whether the risk reduction accrues to adults or children. This approach reflects the relatively large number of valuation studies that address adults; however, the literature on children is growing. We review these studies, focusing on those that estimate values for both adults and children using a consistent approach to limit the effects of between-study variability. We rely on explicit selection criteria to identify studies that measure reasonably comparable outcomes and are candidates for application to analyses of U.S. policies. The ratio of values for children to values for adults ranges from 0.6 to 2.9; however, most estimates are greater than 1.5. Although some studies suggest that the divergence between child and adult values decreases as the child ages, this finding is not universal. We conclude that analysts should test the sensitivity of their results to the use of higher values for children than adults. Additional empirical research is needed to support more precise estimates of the variation in values by age that can be featured in the primary analysis.
If an economy is characterized as a coin, then one side of the coin is the real sector (with all its tangible and intangible real assets) and the other side is the financial sector. If the fundamental function of financial markets is the translation of household savings into real business investments, then the aggregate value of financial claims must be equal to that of real assets. Given this ground-zero description, historical evolution of financial markets is best portrayed alongside the developments in the real economy. And this has much to do with intense global economic integration over the last 50 years.
Size of the industry
Historically, the first era of globalization, with its peak in mid-1800s, was largely in the form of powerful imperial countries trading with less developed regions rich in natural resources. This era came to an end during the First World War. The years between the two world wars of the past century was a period of high geopolitical uncertainty and hence very low international trade and investment. After the wounds of the Second World War were mended, however, economic globalization, with great help from technological advances, significantly improved people’s standard of living all over the world. Globalization has been criticized – often correctly – for many shortcomings and social challenges, such as deterioration in income distribution and domestic political instabilities. But the fact of the matter is that trade liberalization, which is both a by-product and also an enabler of economic globalization, has been materially beneficial for most countries and people. Figure 2.1 shows world’s total GDP and also GDP per capita since 1960.
World GDP has increased from less than $1.5 trillion in 1960 to about $11 trillion in 1980. Since then, it has jumped up to $81 trillion in 2017. This is a remarkable added value of almost $70 trillion in less than 30 years. More importantly for economic wellbeing, GDP per capita has increased to $10,700 in 2017 from a dismal $450 per person in 1960, which is equivalent in purchasing power to only $1,280 in 2017. This could not have been possible without global economic integration and free trade.