Four-wheeled wagons, which can be considered as one of the major breakthroughs of man's technological evolution and range over a considerable period of time, seem to appear as pictographic signs on inscribed clay tablets from Uruk in southern Mesopotamia during the fourth millennium B.C. These simple vehicles which are depicted with a roofed superstructure were probably drawn by a pair of bovids the existence of which is attested in the ancient Near East both by literary sources and osteologically. The evidence for four-wheeled wagons, this time without a roof, becomes extensive in the following millennium as represented on the “Standard of Ur”, the “Vulture Stele”, specimens of vase painting, sealing and seals, terracotta and metal wagon models and actual wagon remains. In the beginning of the third millennium B.C. they are depicted in military contexts, hence the name “battle cars”, whereas there is no evidence for a similar use towards the end of the period and following millennia. It seems that they were relegated to cult use in the later third millennium B.C. and continued to the early second millennium B.C.

The intense use of scientific dating over the last three decades makes it possible for the first time reasonably to connect the topographically diverse parts of the Hittite capital Ḫattuša. Not only was the decision to found a city at this site based on pre-Hittite parameters, but at the same time, it also becomes clear that the settlement is one of the very few in Anatolia which was continuously used from the end of the third millennium BC through the second millennium until the beginning of the Iron Age. Furthermore, the accumulation of radiocarbon dates in individual, archaeologically intensively studied areas of the site makes it now possible to understand the development as a dynamic and fluent process. Based on the results outlined here, permanent moves back and forth of the settled areas within a geographically defined space can be reconstructed. The Hittite city of Ḫattuša was always a construction site. Next to densely built-up districts there existed at all times large expanses of either ruins of buildings or of open spaces, which could have been used as pasture or arable land. The settlement’s map, regularly reproduced as its overall plan, thus represents a status reconstructed or idealised by modern research. Most probably the settlement was at no time occupied to this extent, and accordingly never looked like this in its history.

In 1968–69, three Phrygian tumuli in the vicinity of Ankara were excavated under the auspices of the Middle East Technical University and under the general supervision of Professor Ekrem Akurgal. The evidence from these tombs was initially examined from a purely archaeological standpoint. Recently, however, some of the metal findings were subjected to study through the application of physical and chemical analyses. The results have led to a re-examination of original conclusions drawn from the archaeological evidence.

In this paper, we present some of the results which have been obtained through these metallurgical analyses. But first, we would like to provide some general background information about the artifacts and about the locations at which they were found.

During the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. Ankara appears to have been the second most important Phrygian city after Gordion. Explorations in Ankara have revealed approximately twenty tumuli, dating from the eighth century to the middle of the sixth century B.C.

This article explores the battle scene on a small bronze plaque recovered during the 19th-century excavation of Pergamon, initially published in 1913 and subsequently lost. It argues that the most likely identification of the scene is the Battle of Magnesia, fought in 190 BC. The scene features Attalid cavalry riding to the rescue of distressed Roman legionaries, both fighting in opposition to Antiochus the Great's heavy phalanx and Gallic cavalry. The heroics of the Attalid cavalry are central to the scene, and likely reflect a courtly narrative that gave Eumenes II and his small contingent outsized credit for the joint victory.

During 1989 the Pisidian survey project continued for its fifth season at Sagalassos. The survey was directed in the first half of the season by Dr. S. Mitchell (University College of Swansea) and in the second half by Prof. M. Waelkens (Catholic University of Leuven and National Fund for Scientific Research, Belgium). The team consisted of Prof. W. Viaene (geologist), Dr. M. Lodewijckx, R. Degeest, E. Scheltens, L. Vandeput, H. Bracke, A. De Daele, P. De Jonghe (Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium), Dr. E. Owens (University College of Swansea), Dr. Chr. Lightfoot (The British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara), Mr. R. Fursdon, R. Harrison and A. Young (topographers, University of Newcastle), and F. Richards (Sydney University). For 3 weeks we were joined by Selçuk Baser, director of the Museum of Burdur, who with M. Waelkens, directed a rescue excavation in the potters' quarter. Muhsin Endoǧru (Boǧazköy Museum) represented the Turkish Antiquities Department. The main financial support came from the National Fund for Scientific Research (Belgium), the Prime Ministry of the Flemish Community (Belgium), the Flemish Ministry of Education (Belgium), the British Academy and the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara.

Anzaf lies approximately north-east of the modern town of Van, and rather less than ten miles from it by road; it is just off, and south-east of, the main road which leads from Van to Erçek and beyond in the direction of the modern frontier between Turkey and Iran and of the high mountains west of Khoi. Three published Urartian inscriptions, all of Menua, are described as having come from Anzaf; and there are, in the neighbourhood of the village, remains of two anciently walled places; one is on an eminence (from which Lake Erçek is visible) above, and close to, the village, which it conceals from the main road; the other is on the other side of the main road, about a mile distant from the village on the way to Van.

Since 1995, the ancient city of Kibyra, situated in southwestern Turkey, has been investigated through historical, epigraphic and archaeological surveys. During the ceramic survey, an area inside the city was found where vessels with identical characteristics of surface and fabric were observed. This area is located in the northwestern part of the city close to the theatre. Together with numerous misfired pieces, these vessel fragments are suggestive of a potters' quarter. Based on historical evidence and ceramic comparisons, pottery production in Kibyra can be dated between the late Hellenistic and early Byzantine periods. Not only are the potters' quarter itself and the forms and types produced there of interest, but they also widen our knowledge of different ceramic production centres in the region of ancient Asia Minor. With the help of this material, archaeologists working on other sites will be able to recognise Kibyran pottery and provide us with information about trade connections between Kibyra and other regions.

The extensive use of glass inlays on ivories and as separate inlays together with ivories, presumably on the same furniture, is one of the features characteristic of Western Asiatic ivories dating from the ninth and eighth centuries B.C. Their introduction marked a clear departure from second millennium B.C. traditions of ivory carving and their disappearance after the eighth century B.C. coincided with the end of the Golden Age of Western Asiatic ivory carving.

In this discussion I intend to call attention to some phenomena connected with the use of glass inlays on and together with ivories from the ninth and eighth centuries B.C. rather than presenting a full review of the subject — a project beyond the scope of the present study. It will be shown that the distinction between non-inlaid and inlaid groups of ivories in Phoenician style has a bearing on their attribution to different workshops and possibly also on their chronology.

Since the detailed study by Edith Porada of the cylinder seals and small objects from the celebrated treasure found in the temple of Mont at Tôd in Upper Egypt, questions concerning its origin and date still remain unanswered. Porada suggested that in addition to seals from Eastern Iran and possibly Afghanistan, a North Syrian origin for two of the cylinders seems a distinct possibility. Two other cylinder seals were carved in Mesopotamian style, one of them being datable to the period of the Third Dynasty of Ur. She also showed conclusively that there are no cylinders which can be dated later than 1800 B.C. (Middle Chronology) and that the latest cylinders belonged to the Isin-Larsa period. Her conclusions concerning the origin of the treasure and the importance of parallels for the amulets and other small objects with material from Mari and Ebla are entirely convincing. A recent study by Christine Lilyquist stresses the evidence for a date within the reign of Amenemhet II for the deposition of the treasure which was found in four metal boxes inscribed with the king's name. While in studies concerning the 153 silver vessels Cretan and Mycenaean prototypes have been cited, Anatolia has not received so much attention. Here it will be suggested that there is considerable recently published evidence from Anatolia and Syria which is relevant to the Tôd silver cups, and that a consideration of recently published textual material from Mari, Ebla, Rimah and Brak may also be useful.

The ruins at Yanıkhan form the remains of a Late Roman village in the interior of Rough Cilicia some 8 kilometres inland from the village of Limonlu on the road to Canbazlı (see Fig. 1). The site has not been frequently visited by scholars, and the first certain reference to its existence was made by the late Professor Michael Gough after his visit on 2 September 1959. Yanıkhan is now occupied only by the Yürüks who for years have wintered on the southern slopes of Sandal Dağ. The ancient settlement at Yanıkhan consisted of a village covering several acres. The remains are still extensive, and some, especially the North Basilica, are very well preserved, but there has been considerable disturbance in recent years as stone and rubble have been removed in order to create small arable clearings. The visible remains include many domestic buildings constructed both from polygonal masonry without mortar and from mortar and rubble with coursed smallstone facing. There are several underground cisterns and a range of olive presses. The countryside around the settlement has been terraced for agricultural purposes in antiquity, and is, like the settlement itself, densely covered with scrub oak and wild olive trees. The most impressive remains are those of the two basilical churches which are of little artistic pretension, but considerable architectural interest. The inscription which forms the substance of this article was found on the lintel block of the main west entrance of the South Basilica.

The funerary architecture of the Imperial period in south-west Anatolia has long been recognized as deserving of attention due to its variety, complexity, and the sheer number of extant tombs. Recently, a preliminary survey at the Pisidian site of Ariassos has revealed the presence of an extensive necropolis containing a large number of well-preserved tombs. One of the best-preserved and most interesting of these tombs is a large funerary monument, a mausoleum, on a tall podium. An analysis of the mausoleum's type, and its probable antecedents, enables us to reconstruct the architectural climate of this provincial city during the Roman Imperial period.

The site of Ariassos, in Pisidia, is located approximately 3 km. south-west of the village of Bademaǧacı, 50 km. north of Antalya, and is today clearly signposted off the main road. The identification of the site has been known since the late nineteenth century, when Ariassos was visited in around 1885 by an Austrian team, under the guidance of K. Lanckoronski; however, the ruins were identified as those of the city of Cretopolis. Using inscriptional evidence, a French epigraphic expedition to Asia Minor correctly identified the site in a publication of 1892.

In the small collection of antiquities in the Municipality building (Belediye) of Taşköprü, in the vilayet of Kastamonu, there is a Latin inscription which is said to have been recently brought from the Karasayit Cami (formerly the Kurşunlu Mektep) in Taşköprü itself. It was declared on the authority of the Belediye Reisi, Bay Mustafa Yılmaz to whom I am greatly indebted for his help and assistance, that the stone had been recovered from the foundations of the old school. The stone was carried, it may be presumed, from the site of Pompeiopolis, situated across the river, immediately above the Ottoman bridge. I saw the inscription on 4th October, 1976, in company with Bay Nurettin Çakir, Assistant at the Antiquities Museum of Kastamonu, while carrying out, on behalf of the RECAM project, that section of the programme which concerns Kastamonu and Taşköprü.

The inscription is well cut and the lettering is good. The stone is chipped at the front on both the left and the right edges but the top and sides have not been broken. The lower part of the inscription, however, is lost. The space and, therefore, the number of letters to be restored on each edge can be estimated by extrapolating a line from the two sides of the block.

In the south-east Aegean, among the earliest finds reported to be Minoan were those of Italian excavators in the Dodecanese. A reference in 1928 to “numerosi avanzi di ceramica del tipo di Camares” in the Vathy cave on Kalymnos is typical (Maiuri, p. 114). Yet little imported Middle Minoan pottery has been published from the south-east Aegean. Many sherds described in preliminary reports as Kamares or MM (as were those at Vathy), when illustrated, have turned out not to be imports but local products. It today seems clear that around the time of the Shaft Graves, many pots with dark ground decoration copying Cretan designs were produced and distributed in this part of the Aegean. Largely on the basis of its decoration (believed in imitation of MM pottery), the discovery of such pottery in the south-east Aegean has been taken as evidence of contact with MBA Crete (Mee 1978: 134). I will argue here, however, that if the contexts in which it has been found are carefully examined, there is little evidence that this local dark ground pottery was produced prior to the beginning of the Late Minoan period; nor is there much unassailable stylistic evidence that it indeed was produced in imitation of MM styles. It becomes necessary to reconsider the evidence for contacts between Crete and the south-east Aegean in the MBA, and MBA settlement patterns in this area.

Short preliminary notices of the work at Çayboyu have appeared in recent issues of this journal and the METU series of preliminary reports (Diamant 1971, 1972; Diamant & Aksoy 1972, 1973). No further excavation has taken place since the initial two short seasons (1970–1). What follows is thus only a slightly more detailed summary of the material recovered up to this time.

The mound of Çayboyu lies about one kilometre east of Aşvan village, on the edge of a small wadi. It is barely visible on the northwest side as one approaches from the village, since the change in elevation is very gradual. However, on the southeastern side the wadi and subsidiary irrigation channels have eroded away what may be as much as half of the original mound, leaving an exposed cross-section of it about three metres high. One of the modern irrigation channels runs periodically just at the base of this scarp, from which pottery and obsidian artifacts have been collected.

A mon vieil ami, le Professeur J. Garstang, en souvenir de nos visites archéologiques aux sites bibliques de jadis.—E. Dhorme.

Si J'associe ces deux dieux dans une même étude, c'est non seulement parce qu'ils représentent l'un et l'autre une conception similaire de la divinité dans les anciennes religions sémitiques, mais aussi parce qu'ils ont subi, l'un et l'autre, un même traitement de faveur, ou plutôt de défaveur, dans la transmission du texte massorétique appuyée par le grec des Septante. En revanche, si la personnalité du Baal n'a fait que s'agrandir en se précisant, grâce surtout aux découvertes de Ras Shamra, l'ancienne Ugarit, celle du Moloch a été l'objet de contestations énergiques depuis une vingtaine d'années, au point qu'une brochure, parue en 1935, annonçait dans son titre “la fin du dieu Moloch”. Nous allons donc examiner les faits qui, selon nous, exigent la présence de Moloch à côté de Baal dans le plus ancien panthéon sémitique attesté par la Bible.

The publication of another article on the monastery complex at Alahan in Isauria so soon after the appearance of Professor P. Verzone's monograph and Professor G. Forsyth's paper on the same monument may seem premature, and to require some explanation. It can, however, be reasonably justified on the differing times and circumstances in which the various articles appeared.

In autumn 1955, I published “Some Recent Finds at Alahan (Koja Kalessi)”, an article based on two short visits which I had made to the monastery during 1952 and 1953. This paper coincided with the publication of the Turkish text of Professor Verzone's monograph, compiled after a stay at Alahan in the summer of the same year. Meanwhile, I had previously requested and obtained permission from the Turkish General Directorate of Museums and Antiquities to carry out limited soundings in the monastery complex, in particular in the building designated Chiesa n. 1 by Verzone. These soundings were, in fact, carried out in the interval between Verzone's visit and the publication of his monograph.

This article examines supra-regional trends in magico-ritual objects through a mould-made lead figurine in the form of a foundation peg found in a disturbed Early Bronze IVB to Middle Bronze I transitional deposit at Toprakhisar Höyük (Altınözü, Hatay). The stylised object is interpreted as a bull standing atop a peg, pointing to the adoption of hybrid Syro-Anatolian and Mesopotamian technological, iconographic and apotropaic values. It is suggested the object is ritual paraphernalia, likely in relation to the cult of the Storm God, used in a foundation ritual. Together with this peculiar metal product, the presence of other magico-ritual objects that point to northern Mesopotamian connections at the small hinterland site of Toprakhisar Höyük, on the outskirts of the Amuq valley, is considered to be a possible material reflection of new groups in the region, including Hurrians and Amorites, which contributed to the unity and regionality of the cults and rituals of Syro-Anatolian communities of the Middle Bronze Age.

The rock-cut church of Al Oda (the Red Room) does not seem to have been visited in the past by any European traveller. In September, 1953, on the advice of Bay Neşri Atlay, then headmaster of the Primary School at Mut, a party consisting of Mr. and Mrs. Michael Gough, Mr. Michael Ballance and Mr. David Wilson visited the site and made a preliminary investigation. It was then decided to carry out a full examination at a later date, and this was done in August, 1955. The work was under the immediate charge of Mr. Martin Harrison of Lincoln College, Oxford, who also made reproductions in water-colour of some of the paintings and of the mosaics.

This article discusses the portrayal of Crimea, particularly Crimean Tatars and their culture, through the writings of nine men and women who travelled in the region in the late 18th century. These writers travelled in different capacities and represent a diversity of viewpoints; they include figures of the Russian academic and political establishment and western European travellers, with or without Russian affiliations. The article sets their writings in the context of the imperial Russian rhetoric of conquest associated with the annexation of Crimea in 1783 and Catherine II's tour of the area four years later. This rhetoric remains relevant today through the marked persistence of certain historic tropes in contemporary Russian attitudes towards Crimea. The article also discusses the writers’ responses to Crimea in the light of broader Enlightenment tropes in travel writing and ethnographic observation. It examines the extent to which the travellers’ accounts of Crimea were shaped by notions of ancient Greek heritage, Scythians and ‘Tartar hordes’, attitudes towards the Ottoman Empire (Crimea had previously been an Ottoman protectorate) and Islam, and 18th-century orientalism.

The letter preserved in the British Museum Landsdowne MS 241, f 39.3a has not, so far as I know, been published verbatim. It is mentioned by Foster (1931, 278), in his edition of the letters and other writings brought together by John Sanderson, as follows:

It is the only item of correspondence between William Harborne and James Towerson to be preserved in Sanderson's collection; it was copied out for Sanderson by his apprentice, John Hanger (see Foster 1931, ix).