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Chapter 4 discusses the integration of child labor into the capitalist relations of production in the Imperial Arsenal. It connects the militarization of labor with industrial and urban modernization in the context of migration crises throughout the second half of the nineteenth century. It analyses how children were forcefully drafted before the Tanzimat and how child labor was central to the transition from tributary to military labor. It then explores how children served to the efforts to maintain military labor in the Arsenal. As the flow of refugees to Istanbul increased in the 1860s, the demanding need for industrial production and the failure of previous schemes of coercion merged with an emerging middle-class consciousness among urban elites who desired to convert the orphaned and refugee children into industrious citizens. The chapter narrates the formation of naval-vocational schools and boys’ companies and battalions within this context and introduces wages and profiles of Muslim and non-Muslim children throughout the different phases of their employment in the Arsenal and the Yarn Factory.
Edited by
Filipe Calvão, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva,Matthieu Bolay, University of Applied Sciences and Arts Western Switzerland,Elizabeth Ferry, Brandeis University, Massachusetts
Energy education can no longer be merely a subtheme of engineering or economics. Educators must develop a holistic and integrated approach that develops and delivers new ways to deliver and analyze information. Fortunately, educational and industry groups responded by building mathematical and computational models and software tools to do just that. These models and tools have proved efficient in combining information from fields including engineering, economics, and social sciences to find solutions to both simple and complex problems. This chapter aims to support the interested educator, junior researcher, or young engineer along their trip to select the appropriate set of tools and models for their course, curriculum, or project.
This chapter focuses on the choices that families made about birthing practitioners and where women would deliver. From the eighteenth century, man-midwives dominated the delivery of babies in England. Historians’ accounts have suggested that this incursion was a transformative moment in which men wrestled control of childbirth from women. This chapter shows that because men were so involved in shaping the experience of making babies throughout the seventeenth century, the arrival of men-midwives was not the surprising development represented by other historians. Although birthing chambers in the seventeenth century were almost always female-only, the medical and material preparations for delivery were not at all homosocial. Women gave birth amidst objects that had been procured by female and male family members. The location of the birthing chamber was also often a family one: in the woman’s father’s or father-in-law’s home. Male midwives therefore had a much easier job convincing families to choose them over female practitioners than previous histories have imagined.
This chapter describes and discusses the pragmatic argument. Whereas the previous chapters have generally served to develop and defend sufficientarianism, this chapter primarily debunks a familiar argument that is increasingly, but mistakenly, taken to speak in favour of sufficientarianism. This argument, called the pragmatic argument, says that the ideal of sufficiency is more easily achieved and more feasible than the ideals of equality and priority, and that this pragmatic advantage speaks in favour of a sufficientarian theory of justice. The chapter argues against both these claims. First, once we understand the substantial requirements of the sufficiency threshold in reference to a rather demanding multiple-threshold view such as the umbel view, we understand that sufficiency is not necessarily more feasible than other ideals of justice. Second, even if the ideal of sufficiency was easier to achieve than other ideals, this is not a relevant theoretical advantage of a sufficientarianism theory of justice. Hence, we have strong reasons to reject the pragmatic argument. Upon this conclusion, the chapter reflects on what sufficientarianism implies for public policy.
Researchers and policy makers are in basic agreement that refugees admitted to the European Union constitute a net cost and fiscal burden for the receiving societies. As is often claimed, there is a trade-off between refugee migration and the fiscal sustainability of the welfare state. This chapter argues that the consensual cost-perspective on migration is built on a flawed economic conception of the orthodox ‘sound finance’ paradigm. By shifting perspective to examine migration through the macroeconomic lens offered by Modern Monetary Theory, the chapter demonstrates sound finance’s detrimental impact on migration policy and research. Most importantly, however, this undertaking offers the tools with which both migration research and migration policy could be modernized and put on a realistic footing. As will be shown, this also has fundamental consequences for our conception of human rights and solidarity.
This chapter explores whether there is a link between racial rhetorical representation and legislative behavior. We take a more nuanced examination of the link between rhetorical outreach and legislative activity than previous research. Rather than treating all discussions about a topic as being the same, we explore whether proactive (as measured by low-profile racial outreach) and reactive (as measured by high-profile racial appeals) rhetorical representation differ in their correlation to legislative activity. This allows us to better understand whether some forms of rhetorical outreach provide more accurate information to voters about the member of Congress’ legislative intent. Using our rhetorical outreach data and 18,025 primary sponsored bills, 417,925 co-sponsored bills, 108,255 statements from congressional hearings, and 1,300 unique voting scores, we find strong evidence that elected officials who engage in racial rhetorical outreach also engage in racial legislative actions across all of our measures. We also find that both high- and low-profile forms of racial rhetorical outreach are consistently significant correlates of legislative activity. However, elected officials who engage in more lower profile (i.e. proactive) forms of racial outreach are generally the most likely to advance Black political interests through the primary and co-sponsorship of legislation. Overall, racial rhetorical representation provides an accurate picture of how legislators behave in elected office. However, some forms of racial outreach provide a clearer signal of legislative priorities than others. While legislative communications are aimed at winning votes, they also are communicating to each other and forming alliances. While it is not guarantee that these bills will turn into laws, racial rhetorical representation is linked to other forms of substantive representation.
The global urgency for a clean energy transition is driven by the twin challenges of climate change and resource limitations, both of which demand a fundamental shift from traditional fossil-fuel dependence to sustainable energy solutions. However, this transition requires more than just technological advancements; it calls for a knowledgeable, skilled, and innovative workforce capable of driving and sustaining these changes. Graduate education in energy plays a pivotal role in this shift by preparing leaders, engineers, and policymakers to manage increasingly complex energy systems and respond to rapidly evolving global demands. According to the International Energy Agency (IEA 2023), achieving net-zero emissions by 2050 will necessitate a skilled workforce with technical expertise and a comprehensive understanding of policy, economics, and environmental sustainability. Recent studies also emphasize that a well-educated workforce is essential to bridging the gap between technological potential and actual implementation of sustainable energy solutions (Muniz et al. 2023).
Edited by
Filipe Calvão, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva,Matthieu Bolay, University of Applied Sciences and Arts Western Switzerland,Elizabeth Ferry, Brandeis University, Massachusetts
Emperors issued amnesties to address extensive and excessive punishments, pardon convicted imperial relatives and confidants, and forgive participants in rebellion. Several emperors realized that the legal system victimized a large portion of the population, including good people. Instead of implementing thorough reforms to the legal system, the emperors generally relied on temporary amnesties as a solution to the widespread criminalization of commoners. While amnesties allowed the population to tolerate the legal system, they directly distorted the concept of justice. The emperor forgave criminals but did not forget their crimes. Officials who implemented the law were blamed for causing chaos and suffering, while the emperor presented himself as a savior. Men, upon being convicted, lost their independence, dignity, and autonomy before the law. However, after being pardoned, they owed their lives and deaths to the throne.
Energy democracy is a growing conceptual framing that recognizes opportunities for redistributing power, literally and figuratively, through transformative social change as society moves away from fossil-fuel reliance toward a renewable-based future. For educators, energy democracy provides a powerful, accessible, and inclusive framework to engage with the complexities of energy-system change and to empower students to contribute to collective action to shape and accelerate energy-system transformation. Energy democracy acknowledges that the societal benefits of renewable-energy transformation go well beyond decarbonization; a renewable society could also be a healthier, more economically just society. This chapter provides specific guidance and suggestions on how educators can structure energy education through the frame of energy democracy. Integrating systemic change processes and sociopolitical innovation as well as technological innovation into teaching and learning about energy expands the reach and impact of climate and energy education. An energy democracy framework will be useful to educators who are interested in engaging with the climate crisis by building transformative capacity in the context of local and regional energy systems.