This chapter discusses Julio Medem's film Lucía y el sexo. Lucía y el sexo is a postmodern film about authorship that recalls the works of the writer Paul Auster and the Basque author Miguel de Unamuno. Medem wrote almost eighteen drafts for the script, and, due to the delay caused by the several drafts, had to assemble a very different cast for the film from that which he had imagined initially. The filming took thirteen weeks with a crew of fifty-nine, far removed from the tiny project that he had originally envisaged. At the heart of Lucía y el sexo lies a complex interdependence between Medem and Lorenzo that has parallels in the relationships of the writer and the reader, the filmmaker and his audience, and the artist and the critic. The film was distributed throughout Europe and the new markets of Croatia, Turkey and Israel.

On one side of the battleground stood Charlotte Despard's WFL, the Pankhursts’ WSPU, the Tax Resistance League and Laurence Housman. On the other lined up Sadler and Scott, John Burns and the progressive Liberal reformers. Alongside was the giant NUWSS, keenly supporting the new Conciliation Bill yet opposing the boycott as irresponsible & ineffective civil deisobedience. From the suffragette societies (notably WSPU, WFL) fizzed imaginative boycott propaganda: posters, postcards, cartoons. WSPU promised ‘a midnight promenade’ from Trafalgar Square to the Aldwych. Local branches urged members to fill in ‘promises cards’. A census resister's model schedule showed ‘No Vote No Census’ written across. Speakers like Emmeline Pankhurst, Charlotte Despard and Laurence Housman criss-crossed the country at dizzying speed. However, local suffragettes often encountered fierce opposition. In Halifax, Emmeline was accused by the local Unitarian minister of attempting something ‘grossly immmoral’. In Sheffield, a NUWSS woman doctor crossed swords with Adela Pankhurst, local WSPU organizer. Final boycott plans were laid. In Manchester, Jessie Stephenson rented a suburban mansion for census weekend. Meanwhile, at the Census Office in London, bundles of schedules were piled high, ready for delivery by an army of 35,000 local enumerators.

This chapter focuses on the question of what the Scots Jacobites hoped to achieve by overthrowing the existing order in Scotland in 1708. From 1688 onwards a native Jacobite agenda developed in each kingdom in response to the political, social and economic changes that followed on the Revolution and, too, the developing tensions between the ethnic groups within the British Isles. The original text of the Juncto's 'Scheme' and 'Instrument of Government', though, survived in Scotland, and Colonel Nathaniel Hooke was given another copy in 1707. A future Jacobite king of Scots would have exercised only severely limited powers and in effect been forced into a day-to-day political partnership with Parliament. Earl Marischal, William Keith, brought in a patriotic measure of his own, for Scotland to be represented by separate, Scots envoys in any future peace negotiations, which received strong support from all parties.

On 11 June 2004, the Irish electorate voted on the 'Twenty-seventh Amendment of the Constitution Bill' or, as it is more generally known, the Citizenship Referendum. This chapter presents Ireland's shift in emphasis regarding the meaning of citizenship and how it was expressed in the specific wording of the Constitution and in wider discourses of national identity and civil rights. In order to grasp the breadth of the issues involved, the chapter describes the key concepts of citizenship, 'race' and racialisation, and the state. It suggests that the Citizenship Act (2005) racialised Irish nationality. That is, it gave primary preference to bloodlines as its principal criterion for belonging, thus dividing Irish children into two categories with differential access to the rights and responsibilities accruing to citizens. They are Irish children and 'Irish-born children' ('IBC').

The pathology of a military event like the Entreprise d'Écosse reveals a great deal about state and society at multiple levels. The primary objective for the Entreprise d'Écosse was the seizure of a port. Charles Middleton's enemies in France tried to capitalise on the failure of the Entreprise d'Écosse by accusing Middleton of being a traitor who had betrayed the secret to the British government. The governments that come under genuine threat tend to be vindictive once the emergency is past, and the British government of 1708 proves the rule. Its attempts to inflict exemplary punishment on some of those involved in the Enterprise of Scotland will complete this account of the aftermath of the events of February-March 1708. Lord Edward Griffin's firmness and piety were uncomfortably evocative of the resolution shown by famous Cavalier martyrs during the Great Civil War in the mid-seventeenth century.

This chapter begins by contextualising the Charlie Marlow texts, considering them in terms of their original publication in Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine and explores them in relation to Victorian realism and modernist experimentation. It situates Joseph Conrad's work at the intersection of Victorianism and modernism, a literary-historical context that introduces the possibility of approaching the two literary movements in terms of their points of similarity rather than in their points of divergence. In making this argument, the discussion approaches the Marlow texts in terms of a narrative hermeneutics that emerges from the work of Ricoeur and Kermode and which is concerned with the manner in which literary narratives approach the representation of truth. Charlie Marlow; Victorian realism; Joseph Conrad; modernist experimentation; narrative hermeneutics; Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine

Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) triumphed in the 2009 election with an 11 per cent margin over its major competitor, the centre-right New Democracy (ND). It was not expected to face a strong opposition for fulfilling its electoral promise for economic development along Keynesian economic policy lines. PASOK had long government experience as it had won five general elections in 1981-2004, forming single majority governments on all five occasions (in 1981, 1985, 1993, 1996 and 2000). This chapter considers how PASOK prepared itself for ascending to power while it was in opposition in 2004-2009 and discusses PASOK's reaction to the economic crisis while in power in 2009-2011. It covers the period after PASOK's electoral defeat and its ninth party congress of February 2013. Finally, the chapter attempts to appraise how PASOK responded to the economic crisis and what challenges lie ahead for this party.

This chapter discusses the transition from punk to post-punk as it played out in three of the major geographical centres of post-punk innovation: Liverpool, Manchester and Sheffield. It focuses on four common academic themes: focal places, local culture, taste makers and the primacy of the network, support personnel, and cooperation, conflict and elites. The post-punk pioneers of Manchester, Liverpool and Sheffield tended to know others in their city, because their love of alternative music drew them to the same places. The relations were sustained, in some part, because they returned repeatedly to those same places. The chapter concludes by drawing out some of the qualitative similarities which have emerged in the networks of Manchester, Liverpool and Sheffield. Competition and the dominance of certain factions were important elements in each of these networks.