This chapter evaluates lollard views on preaching and conventicling preserved in Foxe’s Acts and Monuments. It begins by surveying the variety of lollard views regarding preaching, which was, for the majority of Foxe’s lollards, inextricably linked to the role of the priest. It also investigates the role of conventicles in lollard ecclesiology, as presented in Foxe’s text. The chapter pays close attention to the martyrologist’s editorial choices, moving from radical material he allowed to remain intact or even strengthened by a marginal comment, to beliefs he attempted to mitigate, moving finally to an opinion he cut out altogether. From there, it discusses the late-sixteenth- and seventeenth-century readings of these lollard practices, and closes by arguing that lollard views on preaching and conventicling provide a good litmus test for evaluating the way Foxe selectively edited Acts and Monuments.

The first fatality in the Republic was a loyalist. But with violence intensifying in the North, loyalists began to carry out more deadly actions. In the midst of an IRA hunger-strike and government attempts to introduce new security measures, bombs claimed their first fatalities in Dublin. Loyalists claimed their actions were aimed at reminding the 'people of the Republic of their vulnerability to acts of terrorism and their ambivalence towards it'. The impact of deaths caused by republicans depended on the nature of the victim, the location and the circumstances of their death. After Provisional IRA hoax bombings in Dublin during early 1974, the Irish Press warned that such actions were 'pointless and counter-productive'. To those not involved in politics, the shootings and bombings often seemed bewildering and contributed to a pervasive feeling that the violence was 'all going to start down here'.

The First World War threw tsarist Russia into a crisis of accelerated modernisation which eventually destroyed it. Imperial society was not able to conduct total war, especially at the peripheries. Different dynamics of friendship and enmity between the inhabitants of Russia are visible at the margins of the Empire. When examined with an eye to the protagonists these can shed some light on the challenges faced by the tsarist regime, which threatened to swamp it. Based on the experiences of individuals, this chapter explores how in the crisis of war the imperial cohesion of culturally diverse parts of Imperial Russia’s multiethnic society fell apart, focusing on the example of Central Asia and the revolt of 1916. It argues that in Central Asia friendship and enmity expressed themselves primarily through rumour, because the Russian and the native parts of the populations barely knew each other.

The impact of neo-liberalism on the university sector had profound consequences for the Fulbright Program’s ability to support academic research. Bi-nationalism had meant the Australian Fulbright Program was well-funded by the Australian government even as the US government reduced its contribution in the late 1960s and 1970s. From the 1980s further cutbacks meant the program had to turn towards the private sector and corporate funding for support, involve the alumni and to introduce targeted scholarships. This raised dilemmas about autonomy and freedom from interference that had plagued the Fulbright Program throughout its history.

Chapter 4 addresses the intricate relationship between commemoration and enactment through consideration of the play Pavlik – moi Bog (Pavlik – my God, 2008) which uses the legend of all-Soviet pioneer hero Pavlik Morozov as a vehicle through which to explore the resonance of history and mythology in one’s experience of everyday life. This chapter illustrates how the play instigates a process of exposure through which the intimate interlacing of past and present, mythology and reality, is brought to the fore. In its attempt to untangle the threads of national and personal histories, Pavlik – my God exemplifies how Russian documentary theatre encourages audience members to question their own presumptions about the past and, in doing so, the nature of belief in the present.

Thomas H. Ince filmed his productions at Inceville in Santa Monica, and the westerns made at Inceville between 1911 and 1912 were structured on the single-shot/scene principle. The films that Reginald Barker directed for Thomas Ince placed considerable emphasis on revealing a character's internal journey through the use of flexible camera placement and compositional framing. Cecil B. DeMille is remembered principally as a director of historical Hollywood costume epics from the 1930s and 1940s. Films had to look good, and the establishment of mood through fine photography and lighting was essential to the visual pleasure that was part of movie-going. But audiences were much more interested in the stories, the characters, and the stars than in the subtleties of framing, editing and scene dissection, and the truth is that those aspects of filmmaking passed wholly unnoticed. They were invisible.

Georges Méliès made at least one similar film to An Animated Picture Studio in 1909, called The Mysterious Portrait; it shows Méliès himself sitting to one side of a large picture frame which is empty apart from a black background. His gestures produce a life-size portrait of himself which gradually comes into focus. It then animates, allowing the two Méliès to engage in delighted confrontation: a moving picture in which identification could not be more explicit. Making a detailed assessment of the structural and editing developments in filmmaking during what was perhaps one of the industry's most creative periods is fraught with difficulty. The chapter considers how D. W. Griffith might have edited sections of The Great Train Robbery. Once the notion of codified linkage was established, Griffith was able to build film structures to almost unlimited lengths, eventually stretching the creative possibilities to the limit with Intolerance in 1916.

On his first full day in office as US President in January 2009, Barack Obama appointed the chair of the talks leading to the 1998 Belfast agreement, George Mitchell, as his Middle East envoy. Anticipating the decision, the Washington Post reported that the former Senate majority leader was 'highly regarded as a negotiator for his work in the successful Northern Ireland peace process'. As the former president of the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia complained, the US administration interpreted the Goldstone report, scrupulously framed by international standards of human rights and humanitarian law, as an obstacle to progress on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Israeli State had pre-empted Obama's inauguration with the invasion of Gaza, committing war crimes, echoed by its enemy Hamas, according to a 575-page report for the United Nations Human Rights Council by a distinguished team led by Justice Richard Goldstone.

There can be no doubt that 1913 appears to mark the beginning of a significant change in the way that films began to be structured. D.W. Griffith's editing constructions suggest that he believed that an authorial presence could be retained only if the spectator remained objectively outside the filmic space. The point of view (POV) almost certainly developed from an increasingly confident use of shot/reverse-shot constructions within scenes. Unlike any other kind of shot, POV presents a view that the camera/spectator directly shares with a character in the film, and in that sense the spectator moves into a subjective awareness of the response that the character has to the events that he is observing. Painters during the early part of the twentieth century sought to make their art a directly expressed experience; their paintings sought to distil the essence of what was both seen and known.

Chapter 4 presents an overview of the institutional architecture and discourse on environmental affairs in Ireland. It outlines the role of actors and institutions, such as the government departments, Environmental Protection Agency and local government, which participate (‘upstream’) with EU environmental policy making and those which grapple (‘downstream’) with implementation. In order to contextualise the explanations of how environmental policy has evolved several landmark events in its development are explored. Central to the discussion is how Ireland engages with EU environmental policy making and what conditions arise to facilitate or obstruct implementation. The chapter investigates the Irish system’s efforts to emphasise clear provisions for transposition and administrative interpretation, in conjunction with efforts to streamline, provide opportunities for consultation and resource the political-administrative system. The chapter unpacks key variables for understanding the implementation of EU environmental policy in Ireland – salience of the environmental issue, goodness of fit, political-administrative culture, weak autonomy of local government, behaviour of target groups and capacity.

The Scottish pamphlet and William Shakespeare's play pinpoint a historic moment in the English calendar controversy, a moment when 'the most basic category by which men order their experience seemed subject to arbitrary political manipulation.' It is the calendar of Hamlet's nativity which shapes the drama of Shakespeare's Danish tragedy; that is the calendar he wished his wiser sort to contemplate. During Shakespeare's lifetime Julius Caesar's old Julian calendar prevailed in England and in other Protestant enclaves and Greek Orthodox regions. The inexorable precession of the equinoxes made Queen Elizabeth's calendar controversy grist for the pulp publishers of England. Though stripped of hundreds of saints' days by Henry VIII's reforms, the liturgical calendar under Elizabeth and James was peppered with holy days which imposed obligatory observances, oblations and rituals, including some rather bizarre.

Attitudes to northern nationalists were diverse and complex. A basic sympathy informed most public responses during the early stages of the conflict. While refugees were seen primarily as victims they seem to have been welcomed. However, when they complained or appeared ungrateful attitudes could change very quickly. Anything other than gratitude and passivity was evidence of deviancy. The official view that many of those who arrived in July 1972 were holiday makers is remarkable given the situation in Belfast. July 1972 was the worst month of the worst year of the Troubles and saw almost 100 people killed. Lenadoon, where at least 500 of the refugees came from, was the site of a breakdown of the IRA ceasefire. In Ballymurphy, from which hundreds fled, several people, including children, were killed by the British army. Sectarian assassinations escalated and that month also saw the carnage of Bloody Friday.