This chapter examines James Hamilton, the Earl of Arran's godly fit and explores what he did, why he did it and what effect it had. Only Arran's hope for an English alliance, and for an English alliance on his own terms rather than Henry VIII's, can explain why he adopted evangelical policies, and why he adopted the specific evangelical policies that he did. For Henry VIII's hopes for the alliance were different from Arran's. In early 1543, to try to emulate Henry VIII's Reformation was to strike at a moving target. Henry VIII's religious policy was never wholly stable, and these months saw a dramatic lurch in a more conservative direction. 'Wonderyears' were a more general phenomenon of the European Reformation. The 'Wonderyear', in Scotland as elsewhere, was a moment of coming up for air, from which the later Protestant movement could draw both numerical strength and heightened hopes.

This chapter explores the strategies with which Terror is seeking to refuse the impositions of biopolitical order through the development of Jean Baudrillard's account of Terror as defiant life. Defiant life is a life which, in contrast to nomadic life, refuses the powers of movement and possibility of alternative modes of communication, guarding its capacities to be obdurate, secretive and obscure. Faced with a form of power the strategy of which functions by governing life relationally, making it communicate and move efficiently, defiant life responds with a strategy of no negotiation, and with the outright refusal of insistences for communication and movement. Baudrillard's theories have received barely any serious attention in domains of International Relations in spite of the fact that much of his recent work has been concerned directly with issues of war in relation to political and social transformation. Most recently, he has written explicitly on the phenomenon of Terror and its relations to the developing global order. Similar to Deleuze and Guattari, his broader theory of modernity and the development of societies and modalities of governance developed in the form of an interlocution and antagonism with Foucault's account.

This chapter focuses on the successful Scots, charting the ways in which key professions were often dominated by those who were educated in Scotland. In migrating to southern Africa, they invariably aspired to positions of power and influence that might have been beyond their reach in Scotland itself. The Church and education is examined.

This introductory chapter discusses A. S. Byatt, a writer with a personal and intellectual dislike of literary criticism that places a heavy emphasis on a writer's life. It first provides some background information on Byatt's early career as a writer and her debut novel, Shadow of a Sun. It studies her commitment to the mutually informative discourses of fiction and literary criticism and her popular reimaginings of the Victorian past. This chapter also studies some of Byatt's novels, which are discussed in detail in the following chapters.

This chapter details Foucault's own neglected account of the origins of modern forms of disciplinary and biopolitical forms of power in the development of the military sciences of organisation. It draws on Foucault to demonstrate how liberal regimes of governance emerged during the eighteenth century in response to the challenge of how to overcome the problem of war within society; how that challenge led liberal regimes to develop unprecedented techniques with which to intervene upon and control the life of societies in the production of ways of living believed to be compatible with peace. And yet how, in turn, the development of such techniques of pacification has functioned historically to exacerbate the problem of war inter-socially in ways that are especially pertinent today. In order to remove the problem of war from society, liberal regimes set about making the life of their societies into so-called logistical life. Logistical life is a life lived under the duress of the command to be efficient, to communicate one's purposes transparently in relation to others, to be positioned where one is required, to use time economically, to be able to move when and where one is told to, and crucially, to be able to extol these capacities as the values which one would willingly, if called upon, kill and die for.

The French and Scottish Reformations were connected. Scots such as the young Earl of Arran had been converted in France, and Scottish and French Protestant nobles were in regular contact. Even in the Netherlands, the rumours of a Spanish invasion of Scotland were inflaming religious discord. Just as revolutionary religion had been decisive in the beginning of the Scottish rebellion, so it was decisive in determining that rebellion's outcome. In December 1559, Maitland of Lethington claimed that religious opinion was the decisive factor in determining support for the Congregation. The English helped the Congregation because doing so offered a chance to disrupt the Franco-Scottish alliance and so to secure England's northern border. Trust in the auld allies could probably have been recovered, but it would have to have been bought back in the currency of religious freedom.

This chapter charts how the representation of the Bartholomean corpus has changed over the succeeding centuries to suit the times. The treatment of the farewell sermons in the three and a half centuries since their initial exposition shows that they have not simply spoken to their own time and space, but have often been made to speak to other times and other spaces. The chapter argues that while successive layers of interpretation of the farewell sermons can enrich our understanding of the corpus, they should also serve as a warning that it is all too easy to lose sight of the functioning of historical texts and artefacts in their original setting.

This chapter pursues the problem of what life is and what life may become outside of its capture within the forms of logistical order promoted in the name of a War on Terror, through recourse to the work of two of the most currently influential of all Foucauldian thinkers, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. What defines the work of Hardt and Negri, and certainly what has helped make their work so popular in recent years, is their attempt to reconstitute the historical tradition of refusal of and resistance to the logistical ordering of liberal societies. The chapter is organized as follows. One section provides an account of the development of the theory of the war of the multitude as it occurs in Negri's political thought. The text then examines how this contributes to the more recent account of Hardt and Negri's conceptualisation of the ‘two wars of liberal modernity’ through which, as they argue, the antagonistic relationship between the multitude and liberal regimes has developed. The final section addresses the problem of how this antagonism has been complicated by the emergence of Terror as a resistance to liberal regimes, and the question of whether Hardt and Negri are able to usefully distinguish their account of the contemporary character of the war of the multitude from it.

This chapter analyses the societal and religious identities of the Bartholomean clergy and explores their relationships within local communities, together with their fears and aspirations for a laity bereft of godly preaching, discussing the ministers' backgrounds and describing who and what they had come to represent by 1662. It argues that the nonconformists certainly possessed a sense of solidarity, which in the farewell sermons manifested itself in a hardening of religious resolve and a shared anticipation of persecution, but it did not inspire the formulation of a party agenda.

According to the body language of royal etiquette, gestures constituted concessions of status and, since they were public, could affect the standing of monarchs in the estimation of the international community. The corporate identity of the corps was defined by the perceived rights, privileges and immunities of the ritual, many of which were encoded in the rules, both national and international, of the trade. The corps had a hierarchy of its own, in which diplomats of the first-rank powers took precedence over representatives of the second-rank courts. Two benches had been designated for the diplomats, one for ambassadors and the other behind it for ministers plenipotentiary. Etiquette did more than break the metaphorical ice between hostile powers. It also created a forum where the inherent competition of international relations was kept in check by common rules of civility.

This chapter argues that the political climate of the Napoleonic Wars and their aftermath was the prime reason for the timidity and conservatism of Methodist leadership after Wesley's death. In the first half of the nineteenth century Methodism fractured into a number of sects, some ephemeral, others lasting into the early twentieth century and beyond. The chapter analyzes how and why this fragmentation occurred, and describes and suggests reasons for the sects' varying attitudes toward female evangelism. In particular, it suggests reasons why the New Connexion, whose strength was in a region where female preaching was common, did not officially allow women to speak in public, while the Primitive Methodists and Bible Christians allowed them to do so throughout the sects' independent existence. It also shows the significant role of gender in the brief histories of two ephemeral sects, the Tent Methodists and the Arminian Methodists. The final section describes the conditions favouring female preaching in the Primitive Methodist and Bible Christian Connexions, and evaluates their leaders' arguments for the acceptance of female preaching.