This chapter explores how the migrants' imaginings of community life and local belonging shape and influence their social relationships within their new surroundings. In particular, it examines the migrants' efforts to become part of the local community and demonstrates that success in this area of their lives is by no means predictable. Becoming part of the local community, being socially integrated, is predicated unequally upon diverse factors that include linguistic capability, common interests, possibilities for social interaction and the reception of the local community. Their relationships with local French actors served as measures of the migrants' success at developing a distinctly local subjectivity, an effort that was inherent to their claims to a distinctive way of life.

A market system is conducive to democratic politics for two predominant reasons: a well-functioning market requires a certain scope for the free activity of individuals within a framework of stable and predictable laws. The causal link between the market and democratic government is relatively forceful to the extent that 'democracy' is understood as the establishment and protection of private property rights. The assertion that a strong market prevents the concentration of political power is hardly a novel observation; it was the theme throughout most of Friedrich Hayek's works. The perception of a close relationship between democracy and state autonomy is becoming increasingly common: intriguingly, Jean-Marie Guéhenno's French publication The End of Democracy was translated into English as The End of the Nation State. A domestic marketplace independent of state control is conducive to the establishment of democracy, because it diffuses power away from the state.

As we have seen, to establish that a defendant is liable in the tort of negligence, the plaintiff has to prove, on the balance of probabilities, that (1) a duty was owed by the defendant to the plaintiff; (2) the duty was breached; and (3) the breach caused compensable damage within the scope of liability. The first of these requirements, the duty of care, was the key innovation established by the case of Donoghue v Stevenson and the concepts of ‘neighbourhood’ and ‘reasonable foreseeability’ are central to the reasoning in that case. However, although these concepts are easy to describe and have theoretical elegance, they are much more difficult to apply to a given relationship. This chapter shows the attempt by Australian courts to find a unifying principle or single approach by which to answer the question of duty in a novel case, and then a resolution of sorts, occurring around 2000–01, that any such test is likely to be problematic. The current approach in a novel case is the ‘multi-factorial’ or ‘salient features’ approach.

Drawing on the material of chapter 3, evidence is presented for the dating and provenance of the manuscript’s first part, which is all in Parkhurst’s hand, and includes items relating to his time in Venice, letters apparently clandestinely copied, and translations of letters by the 4th-century Roman patrician, Q. Aurelius Symmachus. The second part, containing very little in Parkhurst’s hand, is conjectured to have been collected by him, and perhaps his brother Robert, over much the same period as part 1. Part 3 was probably assembled by Parkhurst and an anonymous scribe known as D1, who seems to have been Parkhurst’s assistant in the matter of covert copying, and includes not only letters but poems, epigrams, and a copy of a letter from John Donne together with his Paradoxes. Before part 4 comes a single folio containing only a Latin epigram by Katherine Killigrew, and a series of folios in a hand unique to this section with 28 extracts from Spenser’s ‘Complaints’. The concluding part 4 is nearly all in Parkhurst’s hand, and is a collection of the ‘commonplace book’ kind, dating from Parkhurst’s English career between 1616 and the Civil War.

Exeter Book Riddles 52 and 72 have a clever polysemic solution that depicts 'the dark Welsh' as both slaves and slave raiders in Anglo-Saxon England. Understanding the specific geography of these riddles alongside their dual allusions to cattle and human captivity creates a portrait of the Welsh borderlands that mirrors its historical reputation as the site of frequent cattle and slave raids. In the late Anglo-Saxon period, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle depicts the Welsh borderlands as a distinct region within Anglo-Saxon England, one which acted as a significant, independent political force over the course of the eleventh century. The Exeter Book Riddles serve as an important counterpoint to the image of the Welsh borderlands seemingly provided by Offa's Dyke. Riddles 52 and 72 contain pervasive imagery of bondage which echoes that used to reference human captivity elsewhere in the Old English corpus.

The Conservative Party had a sanguine attitude towards indigenous fascism and extreme-right movements before the Second World War. However, the war made being connected with right-wing extremism, which the Conservative Partry associated with the horrors of Fascism and Nazism, unacceptable. Ultra-Conservatives in Europe had allied with fascism and Nazism, and it was therefore unlikely that the British electorate would distinguish between various strands of the extreme right. The common thread that applied to Central Office's increased blocking activity was its perception that a group was ‘extreme-right wing’. The Conservative Party continued its policy towards the extreme right after 1975. The Conservative Party at the end of the twentieth century faced a new paradigm, as it had in 1945. Unable to resolve its divisions, the Conservative Party lost the next two elections, in 2001 and 2005.

The earliest Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) parades were those which were carried out in July 1913 in North Down. Occasionally female Unionists would make their presence felt at UVF parades. In its activities the UVF drew heavily on British army and Orange Order practice, with members taking part in parades, church services, field days, mimic warfare and training camps. Church parades could also be useful for boosting UVF funds as it seems that many collections were made for the Sir Edward Carson Defence Fund. Michael Foy's article does illustrate the problems which the UVF brought to the Unionist propaganda campaign. Obviously, through press reports of its parades, the UVF was able to aid the Unionist propaganda machine in appealing to all of the four target groups which Foy identifies. The four target groups were namely Ulster Unionists themselves, British public opinion, the Liberal government and the Nationalist Ireland.

This chapter comprises an introduction to the autobiographical meditations and prayers written by Lady Elizabeth Delaval (1649-1717), selected reading, and extracts from these manuscript writings. Written between 1663 and 1672, her meditations explored the relationship between her inconsistent religious obedience and her physical condition. Delaval was a Royalist and as such a staunch Anglican, but remained convinced she was led from a pious path by those around her, including her Presbyterian lady's maid and companion. She wrote about her toothache (and experiencing the unpleasant sensation of tooth worms); her cure at the hands of an itinerant woman healer whom she thought was providentially supplied by God; her experience of being tempted by the Devil to eat too much fruit and other ‘dainties’ which led to illnesses which she ascribed to a humoral imbalance; and also reflected on large-scale epidemics including outbreaks of plague in the 1660s.

This chapter examines American Psycho and Donnie Darko, two films that look back at aspects of the American experience in the 1980s. These titles represent only two out of a larger series of recent 'Monstrous 80s' films, including Capturing the Friedmans and Monster. Each of these films adopts the framework and language of psychopathology in contextualising its monstrous protagonist. The apocalyptic tenor of the films suggests an emerging national metaphor, as if the cultural pathology which was latent in the 1980s is finally becoming manifest in the retrospective understanding of history. The retrospective analysis of US history through film and the overarching metaphors of psychopathology and prophecy that characterise the cycle of movies are explored as constituting an adaptive interpretive process in the horror genre. Horror films are consistently reactionary in terms of their internal politics and serve to reinforce normative values and ideas.

This chapter deals with the effects of contextual factors and explores the influence of electoral institutions on the right-wing extremist party vote. The district magnitude of an electoral system refers to the number of representatives elected in a district. It is suggested that district magnitude and legal thresholds are important in helping to account for the disparity in the electoral scores of the right-wing extremist parties in proportional electoral systems. The lack of a clear relationship between the electoral formula used and the right-wing extremist party vote is somewhat surprising. Other electoral laws, including rules relating to ballot access, media access and the receipt of state subventions, affect the ability of parties to run campaigns and to compete in elections. It is also shown that low ballot access requirements, low media access requirements, and low state subvention access requirements together make for more successful right-wing extremist parties.