This chapter covers the influence of different patterns of party competition on the right-wing extremist party vote. The five main ways in which the political space of a system may be mapped include government expenditure flows, use of elite studies, reference to voter attitudes, internal analysis of party election programmes, and use of expert judgements. It is suggested that right-wing extremist parties are likely to be affected by the proximity of their mainstream right competitors. The examples of Austria, France and Italy imply that right-wing extremist parties may continue to experience success at the polls even if their mainstream right opponents undergo ideological radicalization. It is shown that convergence between the mainstream left and the mainstream right is correlated to higher electoral scores for the parties of the extreme right.

The originality of the in-depth archival evidence is complemented by the extraordinary process of self-scrutiny engaged in Ireland by political and other institutions since the 1990s. The longitudinal inquiry provides an in-depth historical insight into the predominant trends of corruption at different stages of Ireland's political development. Ireland's political culture, small size of society and administrative structures are cited as reasons why brokerage is predominant within Irish politics. The academic focus in Ireland on the distinctions between clientelism and brokerage is demonstrative of a legalistic understanding of corruption. It is argued, in the Irish case, that it is more accurate to describe the constituency work of politicians as brokerage, as distinct from clientelism. An awareness of mediated corruption reintroduces notions of moral responsibility which have been lost on an over dependence on legal definitions of corruption. This chapter also presents some concepts discussed in this book.

Republican freedom is freedom from domination, whereas negative freedom is freedom from interference. Proponents argue that republican freedom is superior, since it highlights that individuals can lose freedoms even when they are not subject to interference, and claim republican freedom is more ‘resilient’. I examine the debate through the ‘coalition problem’ for republican freedom. Ssince there is always a coalition of others who could dominate any agent in any sphere, all agents are subject to domination, and hence no one can ever have republican freedom. Pettit’s simple solution to this reductio ad absurdum distinguishes potential from actual coalitions: individuals are only dominated by actual not potential coalitions. The simple solution highlights moralization problems as it demonstrates that domination cannot be purely institutionally defined, but requires consideration of dispositions and expectations about others’ behaviour. I argue that the differences between the ‘free man’ and ‘unfree person’ paradigmatic to republican arguments are best captured not by the difference between domination and interference but, rather, from familiar distinctions between different types of rights and freedoms. Resilience is a practical matter that might track some of these familiar distinctions.

The installation of Oliver Cromwell as Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland was a key event amid one of the most unpredictable periods in British political history. Mercurius Politicus began in June 1650 and continued until 1660. This account of Oliver's inauguration as Protector offers a wealth of detail about the ceremonial proceedings. In An Horatian Ode upon Cromwell's Return from Ireland, Andrew Marvell had depicted Cromwell as an active, almost elemental force. Oliver Cromwell died on 3 September 1658, probably from a chest infection and pneumonia. John Dryden worked for the protectoral government from at least 1657, and he walked in Cromwell's funeral procession with his colleagues Andrew Marvell and John Milton. Heroic Stanzas appeared in early 1659, somewhat late in the day even by Dryden's admission, by which time Richard Cromwell's own rule was slowly beginning to unravel.

The criminal law comprises a state response to wrongdoing on the part of the population, proscribing conduct that lies outside of the normal expected conduct of citizens. As such, the criminal law seeks to regulate socially transgressive or unacceptable (criminal) behaviour.In providing a framework of rules to address these behaviours, the criminal law actually comprises two discrete branches: substantive criminal law and procedural criminal law. This chapter is divided into two main sections. Section 1.2 looks at the nature of the criminal law; its purposes, limits and sources. This part examines a number of important issues, such as the purposes of the criminal law, the legitimate limits on its scope and its sources. Section 1.3 examines the notion of criminal responsibility, looking at who may be held liable for a criminal offence and the principles that underlie the state’s obligations in proving an offence.

This chapter presents an analysis of the movement's popular base by examining how the supporters of the League of Nations Union (LNU) positioned their cause in relation to interwar pacifism, popular militarism and imperialism. It specifically describes how the LNU's desire to create enlightened patriots out of Britons had implications which stretched beyond the classroom and lecture-hall and involved the careful positioning of the movement's liberal-internationalist values in relation to three major currents within interwar political culture: pacifism, militarism and imperialism. The League became a powerful symbol for post-war conciliation and exuded a ready appeal to the pacifically minded. The principles standing at the heart of the LNU's ‘enlightened patriotism’ helped to reshape British people's understanding of their nation's relationship with the rest of the world. The chapter then turns to explore how far the LNU's enlightened patriots were equally zealous imperialists. LNU leaders accepted the limited legal and institutional framework of the League.

This chapter comprises an introduction to the conversion narrative of Hannah Allen, A Narrative of God's Gracious Dealings (1683), selected reading, and several edited extracts from the work itself. The introduction includes contextual information about believed causes and cures for spiritual melancholy. This distemper led Allen to believe she was damned for eternity, and therefore experiencing temptations of the Devil, and experiment with a number of different methods to commit suicide (including opening her veins, hiding under floorboards, and smoking spiders, then believed poisonous). She visited a number of ministers and physicians, a combination of faith and physic, in order to find a cure, but then recovered from the illness on her remarriage.

Feelings can only be implied by lines of poetry, and have to be taken on trust by the reader, for there is no way of knowing whether the sentiments professed are actually felt by the claimant or not. The example of the poetic representation of feeling is an early poem by Lee Harwood, who was influenced by the methods of the New York poets of the mid-twentieth century. The three levels of feeling within the poem are brought to light by the considered act of viewing and re-viewing the poem from the standpoint of these three different forms of feeling. They are, firstly, the pain of bereavement and loss, secondly, the continuing sense of loss of selfhood which is the consequence of his blindness, and finally, the sexual deprivation which is the result of the poet's widowhood.

This chapter discusses the mechanisms by which the migrants distinguished themselves from others — their compatriots in Spain and the Dordogne and tourists — through these processes laying claim to particular identities and ways of living. Through the recourse to stereotypes, the migrants revealed more about themselves than these others, drawing boundaries of inclusion and exclusion around an imagined community of others like them — the British of the Lot — who held in common the desire for a way of life that was uniquely available in the Lot. Furthermore, their discussions of these others focused attention on their unique understandings of a better way of life, highlighting once more the process of self-realization that lay at the core of their pursuit of this goal.

Jacques Demy's characters and narratives are often interlinked, that his heroes' and heroines' experiences are similar. Moreover, that his protagonists surmount the challenges they face facilitates their capacity to stay in the minds of the audience; Model Shop is a particularly apposite example. Although dismissed as nostalgic by some commentators, Demy's films can be seen as demonstrating foresight, as early commentaries on the nefarious effects of modernity and capitalism for affect and community. Many seem relevant decades after their production, when town centres have been irrevocably transformed and new media and technologies have immutably impacted on social relations. Demy's cinema plays out the tensions between predestiny and freedom of choice. Through his manipulation of time and space, his characters are forced to adopt strategies to cope with their environment, including perceiving the real, material world through a knowing, theatrical and/or fantastical lens.

This chapter introduces the real-world problem forming the context of application for the theoretical work: whether there could be such a thing as ‘European citizens’, as distinct from citizens of this or that European state; and if so, whether European citizenship would be merely a kind of nation-state citizenship writ large, or could instead open up a new type of citizenship not bound by, but neither eschewing, the particularities of geographical, cultural, and institutional context. The Introduction indicates that the conception of citizenship needed in the EU is one focused on the formative possibilities of political rights and the potentials for persons’ political agency in a context of multiple and multi-levelled affiliations and distributed governance. After background-establishing discussions of the development of the EU, the significance of citizenship, and the book’s method - normative political theory – a brief overview of the book’s contents is supplied.

The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) was theoretically reformed in July 1920, when announcements in Unionist newspapers called for former members to report for duty. From 1920-1922, the UVF competed with the Ulster Special Constabulary (USC) for recruits and there was a wide number of other Loyalist paramilitary groups. Unlike the situation in 1913-1914, the revived UVF met with little support from Unionists in Great Britain. While at the traditional 'Twelfth' Orange Order demonstration in Belfast in July 1920, Sir Edward Carson had threatened to revive the UVF to secure fair treatment for Ulster Unionists. With regard to the Ulster Imperial Guards, the major political figure involved in this was W. J. Twaddell, MP for the Belfast district of Woodvale in the Northern Ireland parliament. It may be that his assassination on 22 May 1922 was connected with this and further lead to the demise of the Ulster Imperial Guards.