The coda of this study summarizes findings about the literary orphan figure in contemporary American novels. Through brief analyses of Tim Gautreaux’s The Missing (2009), Chang-Rae Lee’s The Surrendered (2010), Sapphire’s The Kid (2011), Eowyn Ivey’s The Snow Child (2012), and Adam Johnson’s The Orphan Master’s Son (2012), it demonstrates the continued relevance of this figure for literary imaginings of home.

The Second World War was defined as the Emergency by the Irish Free State, which maintained a policy of 'benevolent neutrality'. While the state was spared the direct carnage of war, it nevertheless faced a number of social problems caused by increased levels of tuberculosis, infant mortality and emigration. The Catholic Social Service Conference (CSSC) established its maternity section in order to ensure that the charitable principle was maintained and that 'organized society' did not interfere in the welfare of all mothers. In order to ensure that Catholic mothers received aid from Catholic volunteers, the CSSC was virtually allowed to supplant the St John Ambulance Brigade after years of service. The social and medical evidence raised by the various voluntary initiatives during the Emergency, coupled with developments across the water, forced the Irish state to deal with the issue of child protection in a more comprehensive fashion.

This chapter will focus on the politico-cultural legacies of the Sunningdale Agreement, a period defined by a strange blend of strife and cooperation. It will frame the experiment as a culmination of a certain kind of O’Neillite Unionism, wrenched down by the May 1974 Ulster Workers’ Council strike. The chapter will take into account some of the early promising workings of the Assembly, such as the higher-education motion introduced in January 1974 by one of the last bastions of the Labour tradition within Northern Irish constitutional politics, David Bleakley. This will lead on to the second focus of the chapter, the political emergence of Loyalist groups and the rather more ominous (and certainly more enduring) developments arising from the illegal activities of the same groups, as the Protestant working class continued its fragmentation along class lines, between the forces of law and criminality, and even in language with the appellation ‘Loyalist’ now termed to differentiate Unionist politicians from the paramilitaries. The ambiguous cultural effect on Irish Republicanism will also be considered, exemplified by the Pearse-esque admiration for the strikers rising up against Unionist elites expressed by the Provisional IRA’s Dáithí Ó Conaill. The chapter will fuse high political material with newspapers and memoir, bringing in cultural depictions of the period – such as Stewart Parker’s play Pentecost (1987) – which provide an alternative flavour of life at the time, simultaneously highlighting how the reactions to Sunningdale were rather more complex than has hitherto been presented.

This chapter concentrates on the men involved in the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), but there were also a significant number of women involved in the UVF, perhaps as many as 5,000. A. T. Q. Stewart blithely wrote of the UVF as a, 'citizen army, commanded by landowners and businessmen and later by retired British army officers'. The UVF in Belfast should, in terms of social composition, be viewed largely as an element of the British amateur military tradition. A major problem for historians is that journalistic coverage of the UVF tended to reflect the polarised and partisan political opinions of the newspapers concerned. Thus to Liberal and Nationalist organs, the UVF was composed of impressionable youths and senile old men, easily lead astray by Sir Edward Carson's rhetoric. Carson and others felt that the Ulster Women's Unionist Council (UWUC) should confine its work to political propaganda campaigns in Great Britain.

This chapter takes a relatively broad approach to defences, covering a range of factors that might serve to exculpate a defendant who might otherwise appear to have committed an offence. The defences examined here are arranged into two, imperfectly realised, categories. The first group have been termed ‘mental state defences’ and the second ‘self-help defences’. The group titled ‘mental state defences’ are so categorised because they depend to a greater or lesser extent on the contention that the accused did not possess the requisite mens rea to commit the offence. In assessing whether an accused may be able to rely on a defence a number of subjective and objective elements have to be applied and analysed. It is important to understand that the considerations informing the development of each of the defences are often very different and sometimes controversial. The groupings are far from perfectly realised and the rationales and doctrines of each of the defences may manifest as many dissimilarities as they do similarities. It is hoped that the arrangement of the material in this chapter will aid understanding by drawing comparisons across different aspects of the criminal law.

This chapter begins with a discussion of the concept of Hampshire studies. It considers the tradition of defining the essence and integrity of Hampshire, which is seen most clearly through various county magazines in Hampshire, especially after the Second World War. The chapter then discusses how those who have written and presented the Jewish past have perceived the local context and place identity within it. Local Jewish studies, especially in Britain, face a triple marginality. First, there is the antipathy, patronisation, or indifference of those working within ‘mainstream’ British or English history against minority studies. Second, within global Jewish studies similar attitudes towards the ‘local’ can be detected as within British historiography. Third, within British Jewish historiography and memory work more generally, reflecting power politics within the community as a whole, the provinces have been especially sidelined.

The crimes of murder and manslaughter as well as any statutorily created offences involving the death of a person, such as dangerous driving causing death or assaults causing death are homicides in the sense of unlawful killings. Homicides may, however, be lawful insofar as being justified by, for example, self-defence or acting in the defence of another person; or being excused as a result of duress. They may be the consequence of an accident or an accused may not be criminally responsible because they suffer from a mental illness.This chapter will explore and analyse the crimes of murder, manslaughter and various statutory crimes involving particular types of conduct which cause the death of another person, including assaults, driving vehicles and administering drugs or other acts to hasten death. Murder is the most serious form of unlawful homicide and, with culpability rooted largely in the intentional nature of the killing, it attracts severe punishment up to a maximum of imprisonment for life. This penalty may be mandatory and may mean for the term of the offender’s natural life in some jurisdictions or in specific circumstances.

Sen’s capabilities are reducible to individual power. Morriss’s important distinction between ability and ableness is pertinent to the correct analysis of measuring capabilities. Morriss argues that reducing power to resources constitutes the vehicle fallacy. The vehicle fallacy is not a fallacy if resources are measured relationally – for example, the power of money is relative to its distribution. It follows that strategic considerations must enter into the very essence of the concept of power. While the term ‘resources’ in this essay is broader than in Dworkin’s account, the argument suggests that Sen’s capabilities account of egalitarian justice is not, after all, so different from Dworkin’s resource account.

This chapter focuses on the foreign policy of the Labour Party during the opposition years of the 1950s. During this period, Labour became increasingly divided over the issues of rearmament, nuclear weapons and Great Britain's role in the world, and there was a clear split between left and right. While the right of the party, led by Hugh Gaitskell, were pushing the party along traditional foreign and defence lines, those on the left wanted the party to take an ethical stance and provide moral leadership by renouncing nuclear weapons altogether. Despite this, the party won the 1964 general election with a manifesto largely based on its late 1950s policies.

A nonliberal democracy differs from a liberal democracy in the assertion that the claims of neutrality, objectivity, and equality valued so deeply by liberal democrats are in practice means of marginalizing and devaluing nondominant cultures. Many group-rights theorists argue for group rights on the basis of liberal acceptance of self-determination. The reason that neutrality is seen as a manifestly 'liberal' value is, according to Brian Barry, because the critics of liberalism tend to conflate 'second-order' and 'first-order' conceptions of appropriate behaviour. This chapter argues that 'culture' and 'identity' are the concepts which prevent exponents of democracy from seeing the relevant similarities between the discredited communist version of democracy and the contemporary identity-based account of democracy. Political systems based upon cultural identity are structured very clearly upon the vital importance of the distinction between 'us' and 'them'.

This chapter considers the forms of poetic compression, and covers some of the more extreme forms of poetic expression. There is an extreme form of compression which we might call 'micro-poetry', where the page contains a single word, or a modified form of a word, or a fragment of a word, or even just a gesture that draws attention to the absence of words. The chapter looks at the roots of minimalism, which is mainly a twentieth-century phenomenon in poetry. The literary figure whose philosophy and rhetoric were most similar to that of Adolf Loos was the American poet Ezra Pound, who was living in London just before the First World War, and was keen to make a radical break with the literary past.