This chapter presents some concluding thoughts. British Jewish history has been regarded as being of minor importance, and its provincial experiences even more so. Yet the histories revealed in this book show the richness of previously neglected Jewish communities from the medieval era onwards. They show that the ‘global is everywhere and already, in one way or another, implicated in the local’. Moreover, this study has confirmed Sander Gilman's proposition that when ‘the center/periphery model is suspended, the frontier becomes the space where the complex interaction of the definitions of self and Other are able to be constructed’.

This chapter investigates the Journal's paradoxical commitment to an insistently chronological structure in the service of a faith that found the dissolution of chronological time inherent in the turn to the inward light. It argues that this can be explained through seeing the Journal itself as, in effect, a ‘technology of presence’, a means of ceaselessly demonstrating and performing the continual and multi-temporal irruption of the inward light.

This chapter posits citizenship as necessary to the polity’s democratic authority. Authority depends not on the form in which political power is embedded but rather on how it is constituted and exercised, so our thinking should not be driven by nation-state assumptions. In principle a wide array of forms of political organisation, including international, transnational, or supranational institutions, can be morally justified. What matters is how the political institutions conduce to the freedom and well-being of individuals. Further, it is argued that citizenship is not contingent upon but instead is intrinsic to the possibility and the constitution of legitimate democratic political authority. Citizens are the authors as well as the addressees of political rules. They exercise this agency through authorising representatives who are then accountable to citizens for their performance in discharging citizens’ responsibilities. Moreover, citizens’ political responsibilities extend beyond the territory over which the political bodies they authorise have jurisdiction; morality and thus duties are extra-territorial and inter-temporal.

Gives a biography, the first to appear in print, of the manuscripts compiler, who was born in 1581, and had an early association with the Earl of Essex, probably accompanying him on the ill-fated Irish expedition of 1599. From this period until 1619, when he was knighted, he was in the service of the Crown, much of the time in association with Sir Henry Wotton, ambassador for many years to Venice, and also to the court of Savoy. During all that service, he was also a secret agent, intercepting correspondence and carrying out other duties. Several home appointments followed, including that of joint Warden of the Mint, which he held until the onset of the Civil War. He took the King’s side, and transferred to the Oxford Mint, but when the war was lost suffered years of relative hardship. He was reinstated at the Restoration, and died in 1667.

In an overview of David Cronenberg's career, the author has deliberately chosen Videodrome and eXistenZ as crucial turning points for several reasons. Both films share a host of thematic interests that extend beyond the scope of authorial consistency most critics are willing grant all of Cronenberg's films, even those not based on an original script by Cronenberg himself. David Thomson singles out Videodrome when he argues for the emergence of a self-reflexive turn in Cronenberg's films. Having appeared in brief cameos in directors' films, Cronenberg established a public persona in 1999 when he served a term as president of the jury at the Cannes Film Festival. It was a form of public recognition unthinkable for the man who had been dubbed the 'King of venereal horror' and 'Baron of blood' in the early years of his career.

Elizabethans thought genealogy offered a key to character, as shown by their analyses of the discrepancies between the lists of Christ’s forebears in the gospels of Matthew and Luke. Since spiritual kinship was a criterion for inclu¬sion in such a list, preachers like Richard Curteys and Edwin Sandys demonstrate that Elizabeth’s family tree properly included biblical ancestors. In the chronicle history cantos, Spenser, with a similar concern to capture Elizabeth’s essential nature, provided the queen with spiritually significant ancestors from pre-history and from invention. Awareness of the cultural resources Spenser used in creating (and his first readers used in making sense of) these lists of ancestors relieves us of the burden of distilling a consistent moral and political message from Briton moniments and Antiquitie of Faerie lond.

This chapter examines how the contemporary experimental filmmaker Ken Jacobs adapts the legacy of magic. His work might seem a bit out of place in the context of the horror genre. Jacobs' work, like much of the American avant-garde, rages against the commodification of the image and its seemingly passive consumption. With his seminal film Tom Tom the Piper's Son, Jacobs rescues a 1905 Biograph slapstick movie of the same name from cinematic oblivion. Cinema emerged in the late nineteenth century, accompanying capitalism's monstrous progeny: alienated production and the fetishised commodity. Jacobs' 'Nervous Magic Lantern' apparatus is similar to his 'Nervous System' performances, but it pares the cinematic experience down to even more primitive elements. Adapting the lens of the horror genre to Jacobs' 'Nervous Magic Lantern' and 'Nervous System' performances is particularly apt.

Sensing a lack of enthusiasm from the MJRC, which may well have seen Southport as lying well beyond its realistic sphere of operations, the promoters now converted themselves into the ‘Southport branch of the Movement for the Care of Children from Germany’, for the reception of children from the Kindertransport, and pressed on without Manchester support. On 12 February 1939, ‘Harris House’ was opened and consecrated by Rabbi Dr Silverstone as a hostel ‘for young ladies up to eighteen years of age’. Apart from providing the girls with guarantees and maintaining the hostel, the General Committee of the branch also ‘supervised the welfare of refugee children under private guardianship’and served as a means of liaison with the regional headquarters of the movement, in Manchester.

After an introduction discussing Renaissance letter-writing and the Burley letters in particular, letters are taken in groups of similar kind, such as Donne’s correspondence with Wotton, Goodere and others, his love letters to Anne More, the Symmachus translations, and so on. Extensive commentary and notes are provided for each group and, in the case of the translations, notes of deviations from Symmachus’s original. The concluding section discusses Renaissance letter-writing in general, citing the writers John Hoskyns and the slightly later James Howell, and showing how the letters recorded in Burley display the qualities they commended.

A revival of interest in refugees within the Manchester B'nai Brith Women's Lodge, following the collapse of its Hospitality Committee in 1935, was apparently sparked off by the same chain of international events and those same pressures from Woburn House which had brought the MJRC into being. Later, the MJRC, found a viable plan, agreeable to the lodge, the committee, Woburn House and the Home Office, for the financing and management of a children's hostel with accommodation for a maximum of twenty-two children between the ages of thirteen and sixteen.

As a complement to the previous chapter, based oncurrent scholarship and debates, this chapterdemonstrates how deeply entwined slavery was withthe development of industrial capitalism. Moreover,thriving slave economies were succeeded by new formsof bonded and unfree labour, rather than free wagelabour, through to the middle of the 20th century.It argues that there is no purely economicincompatibility between capitalism and slavery,including in the present day. Only politicalstruggles and new moralities replaced old forms ofeconomic and power inequalities with the persistentinequalities of the present day. The chapteranalyses the epistemological suppression of slaveryand coerced labour within classical and moderneconomic conceptions of the abstract marketeconomy.

This chapter examines how the inward light figured in the ministry of the First Publishers of Truth – in the convincement of new Friends, and in the condemnation of those who hardened their hearts towards the light. It suggests that the opprobrium levelled at early Friends was not so much owing to the divergence of the forms and strategies of the rhetoric of Quaker ministry, which had much in common with orthodox preaching practice, but much more to do with the Quaker refusal to set limits to the place, time or manner in which that ministry was carried out. The erasure of the boundary between the sacred and the secular entailed the rejection of the notions of consecrated ground, of the ordination of ministers and of formalised acts of worship, so that Quaker preaching could be performed by any Friend experiencing an immediate call to such work, in any place and at any time. Quaker rhetoric thus occupied an unbounded field of operation, and drew on a wide repertoire of linguistic and symbolic modes of preaching, since, by definition, the inward light rendered out of bounds nothing that it touched.

This chapter discusses how the League of Nations Union (LNU) was led at a national level by aristocrats, professionals and businessmen and at a local level by the provincial middle classes, with working-class people more likely to support the League through their own organisations. It is argued that this reproduced broader inter-class dynamics and also proved that the League did not reinforce class politics. As Cecil insisted, the plausibility of the movement's claim to represent the national community rested upon its skill in appealing to ‘all classes of citizenhood’. It then addresses how far the LNU remained hampered by inter-class differences and animosities. The LNU experienced some success in engaging different working-class audiences through the labour movement and workplace and through localised interventions into working-class leisure forms. The LNU would remain on the periphery of debates about social and economic reconstruction at home, where class politics were never far from the surface.