The right to property is often classified as a human right demonstrating the fundamental importance attached to the concept of owning property; ‘everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others [and] no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property.’ In this chapter, we examine the wide-ranging legal framework that gives effect to this right. In broad terms, at the state level, the framework is primarily concerned with protecting individual property rights through offences such as theft, obtaining property by deception, robbery and burglary. At the Commonwealth level, the framework is concerned with protecting Commonwealth property as well as ensuring that Australia’s obligations pursuant to international treaties are fulfilled. The property offences framework in Australian jurisdictions has been subject to consistent, ongoing reform partly motivated by the challenge of adapting existing offences to new forms of offending.

This chapter assesses the nine specific clauses in the Sunningdale Agreement that dealt with the implications for security policy in Northern Ireland. It analyses the consequences that these clauses had in Britain’s war against terrorism, especially as the Conservative government sought to shift the operational focus away from military-led counter-insurgency to a law enforcement-led counter-terrorism strategy. Although the policy of ‘police primacy’ did not emerge as Britain’s preferred option for tackling terrorism until 1975-76, this chapter argues that the seeds were sown by the British Government’s approach to the Sunningdale Agreement and the urgency by which it sought a cross-border arrangement with the Republic of Ireland that would enhance the security forces’ powers of pursuit, arrest and extradition. Indeed, the chapter asks whether the Conservative Party’s return to power in 1979 finally heralded a renewed vision for ‘police primacy’ in a more systematic way than that enacted by the Labour Government between 1974 and 1979. The chapter also highlights the theme of democratic control over the military instrument that would remain constant right up to the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985 and beyond. Indeed, it makes the case - pace Evelegh (1978) and Neumann (2003) – that the British government’s use of the military instrument as an option of last resort is fundamental to our understanding of Britain’s long war on Irish terrorism. This is relevant today, of course, particularly as Britain faces another (albeit much less sustained) armed challenge from dissident republicans. In conclusion, the chapter reflects on how liberal democracies more broadly have responded to the challenge posed by terrorism.

This chapter considers diction in poetry from several points of view, beginning with a consideration of overall effects, rather than localised instances or phrases, using notions like 'pace', 'mood' and 'cohesion'. It looks at how grammatical and syntactical means can be used to slow the reader's arrival at a culminating phrase by re-ordering the way the words would probably occur in ordinary speech. The chapter illustrates poets' frequent preference for the apparently incongruous lexical item. It also looks at two examples of 'counter-intuitive' diction in poetry. The first example shows a poet's instinct for verbal counter-intuition at the start of Michael Donaghy's poem 'Liverpool'. The second example of counter-intuitive diction is from Ciaran Carson, whose 1989 book Belfast Confetti gives a series of disturbingly intimate insights into life in Belfast at the height of the 'Troubles' during the 1970s.

This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the history and evolution of the foreign policy of the Labour Party from 1951 to the present. The result indicates that the ideas at the heart of Labour's foreign policy at the end of the twentieth century had their antecedents in the ideas put forward by the various groups that made up the Labour Party at the beginning of the twentieth century. The Labour Party always believed that domestic and international politics were part of a whole which could not be treated as mutually exclusive, and this is why it has tried to rethink the nature of British foreign policy. However, Labour never really came to an ideological agreement over how to be internationalist within an international system dominated by nation-states. Thus, the tension between national sovereignty and internationalism lay behind many of the battles over its foreign policy.

This chapter examines the foreign policy of the Labour Party in the twenty-first century. It describes Great Britain's role in the war on terror, the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, and the way in which Tony Blair staked his legacy on the way that his government responded to a disordered world. The chapter contrasts Blair's strategy with Gordon Brown's more risk-averse approach to foreign affairs, and suggests that one of the defining features of Brown's approach to foreign policy was that he tended to say very little about it.

Home Rule may cut the bonds that attached the civil service to the British State and transfer it to the authority of an Irish assembly which would have to make drastic cuts. Home Rule as shaped by the 1912 bill was a system of indirect rule with local administrative responsibility. Its inevitability and the growing threat of civil war over Ulster overcame professional impartiality. As war transformed the British State, the Dublin Castle became anachronistic because it remained the same. Sir Matthew Nathan was a keen supporter of the drive to recruit civil servants of military age in Ireland. Walter Long was persuaded to act as chairman of the drafting committee on the new Home Rule Bill. The 1918 Home Rule proposal petered out, but Long was now entrenched as the cabinet liaison with the Irish administration and the primary influence on Irish legislation.

In 1954, Revd Cornelius Lucey, the Catholic Bishop of Cork, complained that motherhood had gone out of fashion particularly among urban mothers. By 1964 the Catholic National Maternity Hospital had introduced a family planning clinic, which 'was the outcome of an increasing awareness of the real potential problems which uncontrolled fertility presented in many patients'. An indication of the tenuous concept of female citizenship is revealed in the treatment of the unmarried mother who, according to the moral ethos of the state, was an 'illegitimate mother'. The only official state action taken which vaguely impacted on the welfare of unmarried mothers was the repatriation scheme and legal adoption. Maternal and child welfare, more than any other public health issue, crossed the line between social and medical welfare, material and spiritual well-being, duty and responsibility.

This chapter offers the first substantial survey of the abroad colleges as a whole and then assesses their historiographies before making a case for further research along comparative and transnational lines. Peregrinatio academica was a familiar feature of higher education in late medieval and Renaissance Europe. In the main centres of migration, students from abroad banded together to form corporate structures for their security and advancement. From the mid-sixteenth century, a complex network of abroad colleges for migrant Catholic students slowly emerged. By widening the historical lens from the Irish, English and Scots colleges, to take in Dutch, German, Scandinavian and eastern colleges, historians will be able to re-consider the development of administrative structures. The greater accessibility to and use of continental archives has permitted Irish and Scottish historians to re-write the history of modern migration and, in so doing, to re-interpret the place of student mobility and college foundations.

This chapter describes the concept of right-wing extremism. It addresses the existing studies that have sought to show the diversity that exists among the West European parties of the extreme right. It then develops an alternative typology of right-wing extremist parties. Right-wing extremism is defined by two anti-constitutional and anti-democratic elements. Right-wing extremist parties can be divided into three categories according to their attitudes on race. The contemporary right-wing extremist parties of Western Europe can also be categorized into three groups according to the kind of attitudes they have towards democracy, parliamentarism and pluralism. The types of right-wing extremist party include neo-Nazi parties, neo-fascist parties, authoritarian xenophobic parties, neo-liberal xenophobic parties, and neo-liberal populist parties. It is suggested that the type of ideology to which the different parties of the extreme right adhere is quite likely to help account for their levels of electoral success.

This chapter examines what morality, authority and authenticity mean to audiences of conflict journalism, by surveying how news consumers present themselves in online discussion forums. It specifically asks what audiences are actually doing when they consume war reporting. Moral posturing around spectacles of suffering is no substitute for ideological struggles properly grounded in the history and politics of Western society. It puts forward the concept of an economy of moral authority in which the authenticity of personal experience is valued more highly than institutional, professional expertise. For Pierre Bourdieu, all interactional systems are characterised by pervasive misrecognition. The results of the survey of media consumption and non-professional media production appear to corroborate a significant contention relating to the social role of the war correspondent. Engagement with mediated conflict may not be motivated largely by genuine compassion for the suffering of others, but nor is it reduced to spectacle or entertainment.

Much has been made in recent years of increasing the choice of the citizen-consumer. This article argues that the concept of ‘increasing choice’ is far more problematic than at first appears and has little intrinsic value in itself. Choice is only to be valued in itself in the sense that the process of choice or decision-making plays a part in our discovery of our own preferences. To justify the introduction of the market process on the grounds of increasing choice is doubly wrong; first, increasing choice is not in itself valuable and, secondly, what is valuable about the market has little to do with choice.

This chapter comprises an introduction to the anonymously authored deathbed testimony titled Conversion Exemplified (1663), followed by selected reading, and several edited extracts from the work itself (including an extract from the address to the reader written by the author's husband). The anonymous gentlewoman's testimony was evidently posthumously published in order to vindicate her religious beliefs believed scandalous by her relatives who were more given to episcopacy. Recorded visits by Puritan ministers Joseph Caryl and John Rowe help to establish her piety. She expresses concern for how she would appear after death (both physically and spiritually), a concern that was quite typical of the period, when a dying person could be judged on how they behaved in their last moments.