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Chapter 1 introduces the plight of future generations, wildlife, and natural resources as voiceless communities that are disproportionately vulnerable in the face of the climate crisis. It explores the troubling gridlock in international climate diplomacy and recent backsliding of ambition in domestic environmental law in the United States and Europe. It also recognizes that a shift towards an ecocentric governance paradigm is underway in many nations, which would provide greater protection for these voiceless communities. Despite this recent progress, the chapter acknowledges that much work remains in this transition.
Private dispute resolution mechanisms – such as arbitration, mediation, and negotiation – are often criticised for high costs, lengthy proceedings, and inconsistent outcomes. Simultaneously, confidence in traditional courts is declining amid rising litigation expenses, delays, and concerns over impartiality, highlighting the need for more efficient and equitable resolution methods. Advances in artificial intelligence (AI) offer promising tools to address these challenges. AI enhances case preparation through natural language processing (NLP), which organises documents, extracts key insights, and supports evidence analysis. Predictive analytics help anticipate outcomes based on past decisions, aiding strategic planning. AI also enables automation in routine case management, accelerating resolution and reducing costs. Generative AI further alleviates administrative burdens, enabling legal professionals to focus on complex legal reasoning and client interactions. This chapter examines how AI is reshaping private dispute resolution, with a focus on current applications, emerging innovations, and future developments. While AI cannot replace human judgement in complex disputes, it plays a vital role in streamlining procedures, promoting fairness, and improving user satisfaction.
The introduction takes the reader straight to the heart of Cold War football, beginning in 1979 with the defection to the West of East German superstar Lutz Eigendorf, killed four years later in a car accident that may, or may not, have been caused by communist secret police ‘Stasi’ agents who tracked his every move. It then discusses another, altogether friendlier East–West encounter in the same year, between East German side FC Magdeburg and AFC Wrexham. These twin stories provide the framework for an opening discussion of football’s rich and varied role in the defining conflict of the twentieth century, the Cold War. The introduction finishes with brief tasters of the ten matches that will be studied in the book.
Amer Wahed, University of Texas Health Science Center, Houston,Jesse M. Jaso, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Dallas,Brenda Mai, University of Texas Health Science Center, Houston
This chapter examines the spectral version of the well-known Ulam reconstruction conjecture, focusing on whether the characteristic polynomial of the adjacency matrix of a signed graph with at least three vertices is uniquely determined by the collection of characteristic polynomials of its vertex-deleted subgraphs. In the setting of signed graphs, a simple counterexample already exists: a pair of signed cycles on the same vertex set, with exactly one of them balanced. Beyond this instance, no additional counterexamples are known. We establish a sequence of structural properties that are reconstructible from the polynomial deck and identify several classes of signed graphs for which the characteristic polynomial is uniquely reconstructible. These classes include trees, unicyclic signed graphs (other than cycles) and signed graphs whose spectrum is bounded below by −2, among others. We also present numerous specific results concerning additional graph families.
In the winter of 1984, large-scale and targeted violence against Sikhs engulfed New Delhi's suburbs such as Sultanpuri, Mangolpuri and Trilokpuri. The country witnessed a massacre that left an indelible scar on its history. Between 3,000 and 17,000 Sikhs were killed, and over 50,000 forced to flee their homes. Amid all this violence and curfew-bound streets, a group of like-minded people—university professors, government officials, doctors, lawyers, students and members of civil society groups—took to the streets carrying nothing more than notepads and pens. They had first gathered at a friend's place, and divided themselves into two teams. One was led by the People's Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) and the other by the People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), both of which were civil liberties groups that had been set up about a decade ago in the early 1970s.
Both teams navigated the violence-prone neighbourhoods, documenting testimonies of the survivors, destruction of gurudwaras and people's allegations against Congress leaders for having orchestrated the carnage. They interviewed victims, police officers, neighbours, army personnel and political leaders. They collected perpetrators’ information, car numbers and locations which had been targeted during the riots. The testimonies they recorded revealed that mobs had precise information on Sikh households across the city and were armed with kerosene and sulphur powder to set fire to those. Instances of complicity by officials were also recorded, including the names of those who looked the other way. This systematic documentation and its release in the form of a report exposed the chilling coordination behind the violence and revealed how massacres often unfold with calculated precision.
Q: How did the idea of setting up civil liberties groups come about?
A: It was based on the realisation that there were certain democratic rights available to the prisoners too. Therefore, taking a maximalist, revolutionist position is not really very wise, purely for pragmatic reasons. If the jail manual does allow you to get Anacin, cigarettes and medical help, then why not get it? Why say jail ke taaley tootenge, saare communist chhootenge? [Jail locks will be broken, and all communists will be freed]. This realization dawned upon many people, that the jail manual, the constitutional structure does allow you a certain leeway. So, then the idea arose that one should set up committees to fight for these rights, with [i.e., comprising] people who are not necessarily Naxalites.
—Deepak Simon
Q: It took over twenty years for the seeds of civil liberties to revive. [Why?]
A: I think that the process of disillusionment with the intentions of the ruling elite was very gradual. Initially, and for a substantial period of time, it was felt that there were real possibilities of progress— economic progress and the removal of ignorance, improvement of education and so on. Consequently, other issues of civil liberties went into the background as far as the elite was concerned.
—V. M. Tarkunde, cited in S. Kothari (1989a)
These two responses to essentially the same question, that is, what factors led to the emergence of civil liberties activism, represent the contrasting motivations and political contexts behind the setting up of civil liberties groups in India. Simon sees their first appearance as a pressure group to lobby for the release of Naxalite political prisoners in the early 1970s.