Genuinely broad in scope, each handbook in this series provides a complete state-of-the-field overview of a major sub-discipline within language study, law, education and psychological science research.
Genuinely broad in scope, each handbook in this series provides a complete state-of-the-field overview of a major sub-discipline within language study, law, education and psychological science research.
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Edited by
Peter K. Austin, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London,Julia Sallabank, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
Edited by
Peter K. Austin, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London,Julia Sallabank, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
The observation that guides this chapter is that the place of speakers in language documentation is being transformed by linguists' understanding of language endangerment not just as a problem of diminishing data for the science of language, but as a problem of social justice and human flourishing that calls upon linguistic expertise for its amelioration. The chapter addresses some of the main issues surrounding the role of speakers that we see emerging in documentary linguistics, bringing to bear examples both from linguistics and from neighbouring disciplines. There are situations in which the preservation of cultural form is alien to the ideological complex by which the cultural life of a community is constituted. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, intense public attention was drawn to the issue of minority and indigenous rights by a number of international and grassroots organizations.
Forensic psychology has developed and extended from an original, narrow focus on presenting evidence to the courts to a wider application across the whole span of civil and criminal justice, which includes dealing with suspects, offenders, victims, witnesses, defendants, litigants and justice professionals. This Handbook provides an encyclopedic-style source regarding the major concerns in forensic psychology. It is an invaluable reference text for practitioners within community, special hospital, secure unit, prison, probation and law enforcement forensic settings, as well as being appropriate for trainees and students in these areas. It will also serve as a companion text for lawyers and psychiatric and law enforcement professionals who wish to be apprised of forensic psychology coverage. Each entry provides a succinct outline of the topic, describes current thinking, identifies relevant consensual or contested aspects and alternative positions. Readers are presented with key issues and directed towards specialized sources for further reference.
Many forensic psychologists appraise the risk of future violence for criminal offenders or psychiatric patients involved in the criminal justice system. There are several systems to be relied upon for adult forensic cases, and the impetus for this work began more than fifty years ago with the recognition that formulaic, mechanical or actuarial methods are more accurate than informal clinical judgement, experience and intuition, especially for violence. There are two kinds of formal (formulaic, mechanical) assessments for violence risk: actuarial and non-actuarial. The non-empirical methods, typical of such non-actuarial schemes, used in developing the HCR-20 contrast with actuarial techniques. No evidence supports the HCR-20 manual's requirements to render a final three-category judgement based on idiosyncratic factors, include a clinical interview, or regard perceived changes in so-called clinical and risk-management items as indicating altered risk.
This chapter focuses on the legislation for England and Wales, but many of the questions and issues raised are familiar to clinicians working within the Scottish legislation, and in other jurisdictions. The Mental Capacity Act 2005 includes a set of guiding principles and definitions of capacity; these are listed in the chapter. There is a two-stage test for the assessment of capacity. First, it must be demonstrated that there is an impairment in the functioning of the mind. Second, the assessment of capacity must address decision making process. There are some standardized assessments of capacity, which may be of assistance in some circumstances. However, the emphasis on the particular decision at a particular time means that individualized assessments is often required. Where an individual is found to lack capacity to make a particular decision, the Mental Capacity Act 2005 provides the decision maker with a legal framework to follow.
Victimology offers, on the one hand, a picture of victims in which they may be held partially responsible for their own victimization; on the other hand, it offers analysis that helps understand the individual and environmental features that may contribute to being a victim of crime. The methods for data collection for policy development include national crime victimization surveys, methods of assessing impact on victims, and research into the experience of victimization. Research by Janoff-Bulman and Frieze suggests that psychological distress in victims results from the shattering of three basic assumptions: personal invulnerability; a perception that the world is meaningful and ordered (just world hypothesis); and the view of self that is positive. Davis (2003) observes that more than two-thirds of victims needing emotional support or practical help generally receive it from family and friends which is far more than that received from victim assistance programmes.
The purpose of ethical codes is to support and guide psychologists in their professional activities, reassure the public and clarify expectations about relationships and services. This chapter deals with the principles, specialty guidelines, research, teaching, consultancy and dilemmas of ethical practice. It also describes complaints faced by forensic psychology practitioners and the preventive action needed for preventing or minimizing the risks for the practitioners. The British Psychological Society (BPS) guidance requires psychologists to take reasonable steps to maintain confidentiality, and states that the psychologist should ensure clients are aware of the limitations of confidentiality, and restrict breaches to exceptional circumstances. Day and White (2008) provide a discussion of decision making when considering an ethical dilemma. This has three broad steps: problem recognition, consultation and problem solving. The chapter finally presents a list of web addresses of a sample of professional bodies whose sites access their respective codes.
The purpose of risk management in the forensic context is to minimize the likelihood and impact of offending behaviour for potential victims and all aspects of public safety. This chapter deals with the current thinking on risk management, and provides an outline for practicing risk management. Current thinking involves in considering psychology of risk and understanding of offender risk. The assessment of offender risk has evolved from unstructured clinical judgement to the introduction of actuarial assessments based on static risk factors, and more recently to more integrative approaches which analyse the interaction of both static and dynamic factors. The Risk Management Authority (RMA) has published standards for risk management, which include guidance in the seven key areas, based on findings drawn from research and from offender management audit and inquiry reports. These key areas include: collaborative working, risk formulation, responding to change and organizational support.
This chapter applies the social psychological theory to the forensically challenging task of explaining genocide. Forensic psychological practitioners are rarely faced with the dilemmas and realities that are faced by victims of extreme trauma, or survivors of ethnic cleansing, torture or genocide. Genocides are not spontaneous events; a long process of societal and psychological change is needed first. Genocides are perpetrated in times of economic hardship and rapid social change. In this context, one group is stigmatized and scapegoated: designated as guilty of the bad times and experienced uncertainties. In such situations, there may be no apparent, real conflict, but long-lasting animosity towards an out-group perceived as a threat to the wellbeing of one's own group. Social organizations and institutions spread ideology to justify stigmatizing and discrimination of designated social groups. After societal and psychological preparations, genocides are triggered by mostly symbolic events, used as excuses to begin mass killings.
Offenders in prisons in England and Wales have access to a suite of accredited interventions designed to reduce reoffending. The programmes offered are generally cognitive-behavioural in nature, and address a range of offending behaviours and maladaptive thinking styles. This chapter focuses on how programmes are evaluated in a prison setting across England and Wales. The meta-analytic method has been a useful tool in the What Works area. Once a research question has been set there are many issues to address to optimize the success of an evaluation. These include the choice of methodology, of outcome, of outcome measurement, of comparison group and analysis. The chapter describes the evaluation approach followed in the UK where the National Offender Management Service (NOMS) Interventions Group (IG) routinely collects both demographic and criminal variables on every offender undergoing treatment. It also examines the outcome studies pertaining specifically to Her Majesty's Prison Service (HMPS) programmes.
This chapter provides a basic outline and some examples on how to undertake research with a facet design. There are three components to the approach: facet meta-theory, facet design and facet analysis. Where there is a need for behavioural definitions that are devoid of vagueness and ambiguity, facet design offers precision and clarity. Brown and Barnett provide a synopsis of the multivariate procedures that are particularly associated with facet design and analysis. They make the point that typically research analysts wish to examine some aspects of people, in terms of some process, and in a context. Very broadly, the statistical method used to map people is multidimensional scalogram analysis (MSA); mapping processes is often done by means of smallest space analysis (SSA); and mapping contexts is done by partial order scalogram analysis (POSA). The examples provided in the chapter highlight the application of these three analyses.
Crisis negotiation was initially introduced as hostage negotiation in the early 1970s. It is different from the common forms of negotiation, which assume that all participants wish to bargain, are happy to do so, and happy to exchange proposals as part of the problem-solving process. Part of the role of crisis negotiation is to make efforts to change the situation from that of crisis to a more normative problem-solving process. Crisis negotiation attempts to do this in a number of ways, such as creating a climate where compromise and problem solving can be considered by the individual in crisis, as well as using a range of crisis negotiation strategies. When exploring mental illness and personality disorder, one of the few authors who have considered the application of crisis negotiation strategies to such individuals is Strentz. One of the main challenges in the crisis negotiation literature is that of effective evaluation.
The role of the psychologist in personal injury litigation is to define from the psychological perspective the nature of the injury and provide a formulation as to how that injury has given rise, and will give rise, to pain and suffering, loss of amenity, and financial losses and costs. If negotiation or mediation does not resolve a dispute, proceedings will be issued. A lawyer then will be responsible for representing the claimant at every stage of the claim. The role of the psychologist flows from the legal definition of injury and from the legal processes of evaluating claims arising from such injuries. In this, he/she plays the role of an expert witness giving the expert's qualifications, lists materials and tests to be relied upon. The psychologist is also expected to be skilled in working within a legal framework and in presenting oral and written evidence.
A variety of evidence indicates that hypnotic subjects tend to be active cognizing agents; moreover, suitably instructed nonhypnotic control groups can even surpass hypnotic groups on various performance measures. These findings have obvious implications for how we view the two main points of contact between hypnosis and the law: that is, the use of hypnosis as a coercive tool, and the use of hypnosis as a possible memory enhancement procedure. There are a number of procedures that so-called 'hypnoinvestigators' have employed in forensic investigations that might produce better results than routine police interviewing. Attempts have also been made to direct the police towards nonhypnotic means of memory enhancement that share the kinds of techniques developed by hypnoinvestigators, but divorced from the troublesome context of 'hypnosis'. The most popular of these is the cognitive interview, which uses techniques such as rapport building, open 'report everything' instructions, focused attention and context reinstatement.
This chapter discusses the definition, methods, theories of crime prevention, and the various approaches to the evaluation of crime prevention. Whereas Ekblom distinguishes between crime reduction, which seeks to decrease the frequency and seriousness of criminal events, two other concepts in crime prevention are the notion of displacement and diffusion. Methods of crime prevention have been classified as primary (prevention of the crime event itself); secondary (prevention of criminality by those most at risk of becoming involved); and tertiary (interruption of continued criminality by those already involved). Defensible space proposes that there is a link between the physical environment and crime. According to this theory, features in building design and layouts can increase occupants' vigilance, surveillance opportunities. Methods to evaluate crime prevention interventions range from experimental methodologies, pinnacled by the randomized control trials (RCTs), through to more qualitative approaches.
The broader definition of internet offending clearly overlaps with cybercrime but a more narrow definition of internet offending has as its focus sexual crimes against children. One of the functions of child pornography for internet offenders is that it is used in relation to sexual fantasy (Quayle and Taylor) and this had led to the assumptions that it leads to further offending behaviour. However, Sheldon and Howitt, found no clear link between sexual fantasy content and offending behaviour. All the same, it has been strongly argued that effective implementation, enforcement and harmonization of child pornography laws could help to reduce the availability and dissemination of child pornography on the internet. However, an attempt to generate 'grooming laws' has been problematic. It is also the case that grooming implies intent to meet the child in the offline world to commit a contact offence.