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12003 results in Cambridge Handbooks

Page 550 of 601

  • 2.9 - Investigative interviewing

  • from Part II - Assessments
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 208-214

  • Summary

    This chapter discusses investigative interviewing as a method of communicating with anyone within the investigation process in order to obtain the maximum quality of information. Ethical investigative interviewing is at the heart of any police investigation. One of the most important tools in an investigator's tool box is the ability to interview. Investigative interviews conducted by police can vary greatly in purpose, scope and content. Nevertheless, the common objective of all investigative interviews is to elicit the most accurate, complete and detailed account from an interviewee. This chapter focuses on poor police interviewing practice and on the attempts that have been made to overcome these shortcomings. It highlights that any organization whose investigators/communicators interview people about a past event need to start to evaluate their interviewing/communication training, recording process, and assessment and supervision policies to ensure the highest possible standards are met and thus the best information is gained.

  • 1.3 - Developmental perspectives on offending

  • from Part I - Psychological underpinnings
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 34-42

  • Summary

    This chapter focuses on contemporary theoretical and research developments in the search for developmental patterns and age-linked correlates and causes of antisocial behaviours. The fundamental challenge in the search for the correlates and causation of antisocial behaviours arises from the complexity of human behaviour. Cross-sectional studies collecting data on separate cohorts differing in age provide some important clues about factors associated with antisocial behaviours at different stages of the development. The preferred design involves prospective longitudinal designs. In this the same individuals are followed over a period of time, changes in their behaviours are tracked, and factors associated with those changes are explored. The chapter discusses the advantages associated with this design. A growing body of cross-sectional and longitudinal research is now available on age-related risk factors associated with antisocial behaviours. This information helps assessing risk for antisocial behaviour at various developmental stages and developing prevention and intervention programmes.

  • 2.16 - Personality and crime

  • from Part II - Assessments
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 259-266

  • Summary

    This chapter addresses the link between personality and criminal behaviour. Such a linkage implies a causal connection and this leads to strong views being exchanged, notably between those advocating a biosocial, personality-centred explanation for crime and those adopting a more sociological position. Among the few theoretical models that link personality to criminal behaviour, the most influential has been that of Hans Eysenck. Eysenck identifies three major personality traits: Extraversion (E), Neuroticism (N) and Psychoticism (P). A great advantage of the Eysenckian approach is that it provides testable hypotheses with which to support or disconfirm the basic model. Another theoretical model is offered in Gray's Reinforcement Sensitivity Theory. One of the most important caveats in the study of personality and crime is the fact that criminals do not constitute a single homogeneous group. Measures of personality traits demonstrate that the variance of offender samples is equivalent to that of nonoffenders.

  • 1.7 - Head injury and offending

  • from Part I - Psychological underpinnings
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 65-72

  • Summary

    Head injury is the leading cause of disability and death in young adults. The main causes are accidents and assaults, and in a significant proportion of cases alcohol or drugs are involved. Head injury can have significant effects on cognition, personality and behaviour. Damage to brain areas that have been associated with antisocial behaviour is common after head injury. Post-traumatic amnesia refers to a period of time from recovery of consciousness until return of orientation and continuous memory for day-to-day events. It is relevant to consider the heterogeneity within the head injury population both in terms of severity of injury and outcome. Sexual offending and violence are significant problems after head injury, particularly in males, although they are limited by their retrospective non-blind design. Where there is a distant history of a head injury, the occurrence and severity should be verified in medical records.

  • 1.14 - Theories of change

  • from Part I - Psychological underpinnings
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 118-125

  • Summary

    This chapter discusses the theories of change that relate to how offenders can be assisted to change their offending through treatment. It considers how to promote motivation to engage in treatment and change behaviour. Andrews and Bonta distilled and refined their principles of effective offender treatment into what is known as the Risk-Need-Responsivity (RNR) model. Theories of motivation for treatment and behaviour change may be described in three main approaches: matching intervention with stage of change; readiness to change; and goal perspectives. The Transtheoretical Model of Change was described first by Prochaska and DiClemente in relation to smoking cessation and was subsequently widely applied in addiction treatment. Ward and colleagues have proposed the Good Lives model (GLM) of offender rehabilitation, which focuses on helping offenders attain satisfaction in a range of life areas rather than focusing purely on reducing risk.

  • 8.1 - Criminals’ personal narratives

  • from Part VIII - Research practice
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 791-794

  • Summary

    Within psychology and related social sciences there is an emerging framework for understanding a person's actions and experiences. Growing out of personality theory, the psychological emphasis is on 'personal' narratives: the stories that people tell about themselves. The potential value of this chapter runs through the whole range of forensic psychology activities. It offers the possibility of informing the formulation of offender profiles by enabling investigators to understand more clearly the psychological processes of which the crime is a part, and thus possible characteristics of the offender. The interviewing of offenders can also be informed by an understanding of the storyline they may consider their crimes to be key episodes within. The chapter provides a framework for working with offenders to help them reconstruct their understanding of their personal narratives. This connects directly with the narrative approach to therapy.

  • 2.14 - Parenting capacity and conduct

  • from Part II - Assessments
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 242-250

  • Summary

    Requests for examination of parental capacity are likely to come from members of the legal professions. Assessment of parenting is a complex task that may require training and expertise in child development, attachment, parental and child psychopathology, measures and methods, structured and unstructured observation, questionnaires and scales. The use of formal tests is one area in which psychologists are in a unique position to assist the court. A simple task like asking the child to write or, if too young, to describe three good things about mum and three things they don't like about mum, and the same task repeated with dad as the subject, may show whether the child can be discriminating in forming views based on his or her own experience. In making recommendations, psychologists should be careful to stay within the remit of their task, which is to evaluate the possible options for child care and contact.

  • 2.15 - Parole decision making

  • from Part II - Assessments
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 251-258

  • Summary

    Most jurisdictions use parole, which allows certain offenders to serve a portion of their sentence in the community, supervised and subject to certain conditions. Two primary forms of parole exist: mandatory and discretionary. Policy documents offer parole decision makers guidance on how to reach their decisions. A recent review highlighted that offenders with more extensive criminal histories or more serious institutional misbehaviour were less frequently granted discretionary parole, and when granted release, it was typically after having served a greater proportion of their sentence. Psychologists use a number of approaches in assessing risk, including unstructured clinical judgement and actuarial instruments, which make predictions of the likelihood of the offender engaging in a certain behaviour based on patterns previously found in similar groups. Given that the incorporation of results from actuarial instruments generally increases accuracy, parole decision makers would be best served by psychological reports which emphasize and address actuarial results.

  • 6.1 - Arson

  • from Part VI - Special topics
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 623-629

  • Summary

    Persons who commit arson attract a variety of clinical diagnoses, most commonly personality disorder, intellectual impairment, psychotic illness and substance use disorder. This chapter provides an overview of findings from both the investigative and clinical literature on arson. Arson can be can be used for financial gain, but it is also an act of interpersonal violence. Other motives include vandalism, anger, communication, psychosis, extremism (for example, animal liberation groups) or political motives. There are four distinct modes of arson, each with corresponding offender characteristics: adaptive, conservative, integrative, and expressive. In recent years a number of private and publicly funded secure hospitals within the UK have developed and run specific treatment programmes for persons convicted of arson offences. In the absence of recidivism data, an alternative approach to measuring intervention success is offered by recent literature on 'offence paralleling behaviour'.

  • 6.6 - Hostage taking:

  • from Part VI - Special topics
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 660-667

  • Summary

    Hostage taking can be a highly dramatic but relatively inexpensive method of extorting money, trying to avoid capture or bargaining for some sociopolitical concessions. This chapter discusses the effects, coping and adjustment of hostage taking. The Stockholm syndrome is an important phenomenon which occurs in adults and children, and it helps to protect hostages from death, injury or further abuse. It can be developed by negotiators. It appears to occur mostly when the hostages and the hostage takers share common adversities. Most information comes from anecdotal accounts, although some research studies have generated useful information about pre-incident vulnerabilities and coping strategies. Resilience seems to be the norm, but there is evidence that certain individuals do develop post-traumatic psychopathologies after being taken hostage. Finally, longitudinal studies are required to identify the longer-term sequelae of kidnapping for hostages and their families.

  • 1.5 - Eyewitness memory

  • from Part I - Psychological underpinnings
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 49-57

  • Summary

    The memories of eyewitnesses play a central role in many police investigations and any subsequent legal decision making. Unfortunately, eyewitness memories are not infallible. This chapter presents an overview of areas where programmatic research has explored factors contributing to witness unreliability and suggested ways of improving the quality of eyewitness evidence. The chapter's organization loosely parallels the sequence experienced by witnesses from the time of crime commission, through their involvement in a police investigation, to that in any subsequent trial. During the time between the event and the witness being interviewed by police, a number of factors can shape the memory reports of the witness. As well as providing details about the event and offender, witnesses may also be asked to view a formal identification parade. Scientific research on eyewitness memory issues has grown steadily in the last twenty to thirty years.

  • 7.4 - The psychologist as expert witness in criminal cases

  • from Part VII - Professional practice
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 773-782

  • Summary

    A psychologist in a criminal trial is concerned with establishing by sufficient and relevant evidence that a particular event occurred, and the behaviour involved is the subject of criminal responsibility. The psychologist must provide objective opinion on matters which could not be discerned other than by someone with the appropriate expertise, based on reliable observations and/or tests. This chapter discusses the potential traps into which psychologists might fall. These include: thinking that their expertise relates to matters which are discernible without the benefit of psychological evidence; going beyond their remit; and ignoring the factual aspects of the case. The process of giving evidence is that the witness is first questioned by the side which commissioned the report about the issues on which they assert their expertise; it is followed by further questioning by the other side in the dispute, and later by further questioning by the original questioner.

  • 2.11 - Mentally disordered offenders

  • from Part II - Assessments
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 221-229

  • Summary

    The existence of a link between mental disorder and violence continues to be debated. Whilst some have argued against a clear link, Hodgins draws on three types of study (birth cohort follow-ups, discharged inpatient studies and studies of convicted offenders) to argue that there is a clear and consistent association. The relationship between mental disorder and offending behaviour varies between individuals. Hodgins argues that there is a need to identify subgroups of violent behaviour in order to understand the dynamic interactions between biological, psychological and social factors, and thereby develop the most effective interventions. Schizophrenia is the most common mental illness, affecting about 1% of the general population. Some people develop organically based conditions such as tumours that can result in violent or antisocial behaviour. It is now generally accepted that treatment programmes for mentally disordered offenders should address the principles of 'risk', 'need' and 'responsivity'.

  • 4.11 - Sexual fantasy and sex offending

  • from Part IV - Psychology and criminal behaviour
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 552-561

  • Summary

    The role of sexual fantasy should be considered for offenders who have committed sexual offences to assess whether it has contributed to their offending behaviour. In the context of looking at sexual fantasies and sexual offending it may be more helpful to conceptualize deviant sexual fantasy as offence-related fantasy. This chapter first examines the various theories and the research linking offence-related sexual fantasy and sex offending. In their integrated theory of sexual offending, Ward and Beech view the development of deviant sexual fantasy as a product of deficits in managing attachment and mood problems and holding dysfunctional schema. However, there has been inconsistency in the outcome of research exploring the differences between fantasies of sex offenders and non-sex offenders. The chapter concludes by presenting some key points which have important implications in terms of assessment, treatment and management of sex offenders.

  • 7.3 - Expert witnesses in civil cases

  • from Part VII - Professional practice
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 766-772

  • Summary

    The expert witness in civil cases must be able to demonstrate expertise on the specific matters that the court is considering. There are different kinds of witnesses who may give evidence in court proceedings. Sometimes mental health professionals are called as witnesses of fact to testify about, for example, whether someone was offered treatment, how often they attended the clinic and whether the treatment had any benefits. There are some differences in court procedures and in the requirements for expert witnesses across the United Kingdom. The implications of these for expert witnesses in Scotland and Northern Ireland are helpfully described in the British Medical Association guidance. In addition to the protocols and guidance produced by legal authorities in different countries, professional associations also offer and provide guidance for their members when acting as expert witnesses.

  • 4.6 - Hate crime

  • from Part IV - Psychology and criminal behaviour
  • Edited by Jennifer M. Brown, London School of Economics and Political Science, Elizabeth A. Campbell, University of Glasgow
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Handbook of Forensic Psychology
    Published online:
    06 July 2010
    Print publication:
    29 April 2010, pp 511-519

  • Summary

    Hate crime is always going to be a historically and culturally contingent social construct, such that the concept varies radically around the world. Although, the extent of hate crime is notoriously difficult to determine, in England and Wales, figures are collected on racially and religiously motivated offences under section 95 of the Criminal Justice Act 1991. Many theories from many different disciplines have been used to explain hate crime. For example, those of perceived Middle Eastern appearance suffered intense public, enforcement and media attention, plus a rise in victimization, after the Oklahoma City bombing and the bombing of the World Trade Center. We need to be critical of the term 'hate crime' even as an adequate descriptor of 'bias-motivated behaviour'. The key gap in knowledge is the failure to examine the specificity of the crime experiences of the diverse victims of 'bias crime' and the impact on society.

Page 550 of 601