Genuinely broad in scope, each handbook in this series provides a complete state-of-the-field overview of a major sub-discipline within language study, law, education and psychological science research.
Genuinely broad in scope, each handbook in this series provides a complete state-of-the-field overview of a major sub-discipline within language study, law, education and psychological science research.
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Democratic therapeutic communities (DTCs) for offenders in the UK are found in both prisons and forensic psychiatric settings in high and medium security, as they represent a whole-system approach to treatment or rehabilitation. An early anthropological study attempted to summarize the operation of the DTC in four principles: democratization, permissiveness, reality confrontation and communalism. Whilst some DTCs include individual therapy, the emphasis is very much on group activity. As with TCs in the non-forensic health system, forensic TCs have a lengthy research history and, as an intervention aimed at long-term change of offenders, the TC would seem to be a promising approach. Whilst not a challenge for DTCs alone, offending rates are problematic as outcome measures: reconviction is not a wholly accurate measure of reoffending and lower rates could reflect more skilful rather than less frequent offending.
This chapter outlines some of the complex issues underpinning rehabilitation and recovery as these terms apply within the substance misuse domain. Research within the drug and alcohol field has demonstrated that with the right services in place it is possible to address individuals' substance abuse needs. With regard to the treatment of individuals with an alcohol problem, the UK Alcohol Treatment Trial (UKATT) has identified the effectiveness of both social behaviour / network therapy and motivational enhancement in reducing individuals' drinking. Research within the alcohol field has also shown that even relatively brief interventions can have a positive impact on reducing levels of alcohol consumption on the part of those who have developed an alcohol problem. Research has shown that those drug users prescribed heroin have reduced risk behaviour, increased social inclusion, lower levels of criminality and increased likelihood of remaining in contact with services.
While the term 'suicide' is defined within prisons more broadly than in the community, the term of self-inflicted death (SID) is widely used in practice in prisons. This chapter looks at three particular groups of prisoners for discussing suicides in prisons: black prisoners, lifers and women prisoners. Given that the individual risk factors associated with an inflated risk of suicide correlate highly with the characteristics of criminals, it would be predicted that black prisoners who are less 'criminal' may show lower levels of risk factors for suicide. Lifers appear to have peaks and troughs with their risk of suicide linked to the points at which key decisions are made at official reviews about their futures. Data available on women prisoners show that they have lower rates of suicide than men both outside and inside prisons. The chapter also talks about interpersonal and counselling skills for working with suicidal prisoners.
Covert policing, ranging from surveillance to undercover operations, include short-term operations and long-term infiltrations. In evaluating the role requirements of an undercover officer the nature and degree of any potential stress will largely depend on the nature of the deployment. While all undercover operations inevitably involve potential role strain, the longer the operation the greater the likely extent of that strain. The possible stressors faced by undercover officers has three main sources: (1) agent-supervisor relationship; (2) role requirements; and (3) strain on family and social relationships. If an officer is working on his/her own, there is the inherent risk of loneliness, leading to the additional risk of 'friendships' with suspects. Undercover officers also experience emotional discomfort by the fear of discovery, whether the threat is real or imagined. Ideally, any psychological management should be at the level of monitoring welfare and preventing problems from developing.
Some clinical syndromes of personality seem relatively unambiguous, and can be reliably identified. DSM-IV personality disorders provide quite distinctive personality 'types', particularly in cluster B 'dramatic' personality disorders such as Borderline Personality Disorder or Antisocial Personality Disorder, both of which are more common to offenders. Another personality model deriving from the clinical-descriptive condition is that of psychopathy. Empirical, trait-driven structural models of personality provide broad dimensions of personality without filling in the idiosyncratic details of the self created by experience, choice and chance, but nevertheless seem to be able to predict offending. Meta-analysis finds structural models like Hans Eysenck's Psychoticism, Extroversion and Neuroticism (PEN) or Costa and McCrae's Five-Factor Model (FFM), Tellegen's three-factor model and Cloninger's seven-factor model, all have particular dimensions associated with antisocial acts. Structural trait theories of personality are highly empirical, and thus are more testable than individually focused theories.
Traumatic stress and its impact on the human experience have been recognized across a very wide range of cultures and historical eras. Descriptions of this psychological phenomenon can be found in literature as broad as Ulysses' Odyssey to the Koran and the Bible. The extant literature on trauma and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) reviews four primary assessment methods: structured diagnostic interviews; self-report questionnaires; functional analytic clinical assessment; and psychophysio-logical assessment. The first step in assessing the impact of a potentially traumatic event is to identify the nature and specific details of the traumatic exposure, including assessing if it meets DSM-IV-TR 'traumatic event' criterion. Substance use disorders, mood disorders and other anxiety disorders are the most commonly occurring comorbid conditions with PTSD. It is important to remember that individuals with a trauma history may not be forthcoming about reporting the trauma in clinical settings.
This chapter explores the span of forensic psychology and examines the roles of forensic psychology practitioners. Forensic psychology has emerged as an identifiable subdiscipline within psychology, and this has been conflated with discussions about the writ of the psychologists who are active within this field. The chapter attempts to delineate and separate these two. Otto and Heilbrun argue that forensic psychology is at a crossroads and needs to clearly distinguish practice, educate legal consumers and devote more attention to treatment issues. Given that all types of psychologists may be working in a forensic setting, it is questionable whether it makes sense to think of there being a common curriculum that could produce a generic 'forensic' psychologist. Forensic psychology practitioners are often depicted in the media through fictionalized representations as offender profilers, which is but one, albeit a highly specialized, area of activity.
Within the criminal justice system, the police occupational culture has received the most research attention. This chapter first discusses the measurement of occupational culture. The cultural web described by Johnson and Scholes (2002) offers a framework onto which maps a particular organization's culture and which is usually elicited qualitatively from groups within the workforce. Mixed-method approaches are also used to construct an account of an occupational culture. The organization's culture has been used to provide explanations for a number of processes such as the experience of work-related stress, resistance to change, misconduct and discrimination. The argument is made that the occupational identity as defined by the organization's culture is threatened by the presence of 'otherness', i.e. individuals who are different by virtue of their gender, race and sexual orientation. Discriminatory practices by the majority seek to maintain the status quo.
Sexual offenders are a heterogeneous group. They differ with respect to personal and criminal histories, deviant sexual interests, relationship and skills deficits, educational and employment background, attitudes and beliefs, and offence characteristics. Assessments are therefore a key component of identifying this range of issues and translating them to risk, treatment focus and intensity, and required post-treatment supervision. Most specialized sexual offender assessments target cognitions, attitudes and beliefs, social functioning, sexual deviance, coping strategies and empathy. Risk assessment is one of the primary areas of importance. Some researchers in the field argue that risk assessment should focus on static historical factors, as they are said to be more reliable and more accurately predictive. Psychometric testing is deemed essential for most clinical problems. Clinicians are encouraged to consider the tools they use in their assessments and ensure that they adopt the most reliable and valid measures that are both time and cost-efficient.
By the 1970s police forces throughout the USA were referring to the process of speculating about the characteristics of offenders they were looking for as 'offender profiling'. Accounts of 'offender profiling' have always been confused by the mixture of myth and reality that exist within Thomas Harris' and many subsequent fictional portrayals. Drawing on a background in social and environmental psychology, the author has demonstrated in Criminal Shadows that the central question of offender profiling is to establish the basis for making inferences from offence actions to offender characteristics. The range of scientific questions inherent in offender profiling have been shown by Canter to be a subset of a broader range of issues in psychology that are relevant to police investigations. This places offender profiling within a more general field named Investigative Psychology. This more academically grounded approach is opening up the potential applications of psychological science.
Munchausen by proxy (MBP) involves the intentional production or feigning of physical or psychological signs or symptoms in another person who is under the individual's care. The interaction between parent and child leads to abuse of the child by a mentally ill parent/mother perpetrator. The component of the MBP disorder related to the child's victimization is a form of child abuse called abuse by paediatric illness or condition falsification. Factitious disorder by proxy is for the most part a disorder of women and a misuse of 'mothering'. Fathers who are able to separate both physically and emotionally from mothers, can restructure the family system to acknowledge MBP. MBP protocols for hospitals and psychiatric facilities include prompt case consultation with relevant medical specialties and a consultant knowledgeable about MBP. Visitation should be considered very carefully in cases of alleged MBP as the child's victimization is typically significant and chronic.
In a forensic context, credibility judgements are often of critical importance because of the frequency of disputed accounts. Where there is disagreement about what has happened, considerable attention has been paid to ways of determining how much credibility is warranted in detecting deception. Some techniques that have been proposed include the polygraph, Statement Validity Analysis and Scientific Content Analysis. This chapter examines the credibility of accounts from a witness which involve judgements of the accuracy of the witness's memory. Evaluation is problematic because of different factors that are likely to have an influence on the credibility of an account. In general children, and indeed older adults, are poorer than adults from the general population in aspects of encoding, storage and retrieval, but their ability to give accounts is most influenced by how they are interviewed. Particularly important to judgements of credibility is the way in which accounts are elicited.
Forensic determination of sexual harassment entails a contextual understanding of the scope of sexual harassment and a determination of whether events have occurred that fall within a particular legal or institution’s definition of sexual harassment. Hence, a proper determination of whether or not sexual harassment took place is crucial. In all forensic determinations of culpability, the investigator hopes to achieve a result from the investigation that accurately portrays reality. However, all forensic determinations have an error rate associated with them. The error rate has two parts: false positives and false negatives. Reducing false positive and false negative errors in sexual harassment investigations centres on conducting a sound sexual harassment investigation. A sound sexual harassment investigation will collect all relevant evidence, synthesize all collected evidence, attempt to come to a conclusion based on the evidence, and make appropriate recommendations for repairing damage to individuals and the organization.
This chapter focuses on the issues concerning the assessment of and reporting on work-related stress for civil litigation. The courts in the UK have developed a set of broad principles which they expect to be addressed in any assessment of workplace stress for litigation purposes. The key things that the courts have identified are: that there should be some identifiable 'injury'; that such injury should have been foreseeable; that the employer should have complied with their duty of reasonable care; and that any psychological injury should be able to be attributed to some causal factor within the employment setting. While an 'Indicator Tool' has been developed to allow organizations to assess psychosocial hazards in a workplace environment, it is important to also have some assessment of the actual behavioural functioning of the individual. Finally, in some occupational settings there may be particular hazards which are unique to a particular group.
There are three main areas in which consideration of parenting programmes are of forensic interest. These are firstly in the area of child protection, where a parent has been found to be responsible for the neglect or abuse of a child; secondly where the child has offended and failures in parenting are seen to have contributed to the child's problems; and thirdly as part of an assessment of parenting, which could include the parent's capacity to change. Parenting programmes define what makes an effective parenting intervention. The role of parenting programmes alone in the treatment of delinquency is less clear than the implementation of programmes that work with the child or young person as well as the family, school and community systems that surround him or her. Group settings have been found to be congenial for parents, though not necessarily more effective in achieving a positive outcome for children.