To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Impression of Insular manuscript production tends inevitably to concentrate on Ireland and Anglo-Saxon England. In the absence of early manuscript evidence from Celtic Britain, there is epigraphic evidence in the form of inscribed stone monuments: those from Wales and Cornwall provide an almost continuous record of letter-forms from the end of the Roman period onwards. The earliest manuscript for which a Welsh origin has been hypothesised is the Lichfield Gospels, a magnificently decorated eighth-century gospel-book. A second gospel-book for which a Welsh origin has been proposed is the Hereford Gospels. There are just three pre-Conquest manuscripts for which a Pictish or Scottish origin has been posited. Paradoxically, one of these is one of the best known Insular manuscripts in the world: the Book of Kells. The other pre-Conquest manuscript that might be considered Scottish is the Book of Deer, a small gospel-book which was at Deer (Aberdeenshire) in the eleventh century.
The book containing texts intended to be sung should be considered a music book, when the passing on of music from one generation to another depended on a combination of oral and written transmission. An account of music books in Britain should therefore begin with one copied before Bede wrote his Ecclesiastical History of the English People. The Winchester style of Insular notation may have used a type of script developed at Corbie as its immediate model; the wider context of its model was certainly northern French. Although a great deal of palaeographical work remains to be done, it is already possible to discern habits of writing which suggest identifiable scriptoria. Several classical or late antique texts included songs: in Anglo-Saxon England, the most widely circulated of these were Boethius' De consolatione philosophiae and Prudentius'Cathemerinon.
Anglo-Saxon pedagogy derives from late Roman and provincial precedents, extant booklists or books, and descriptions of monastic routines, both English and Continental. In a Roman school a boy would learn both language arts and arithmetical calculation in the elementary curriculum. Many of Isidore's derivations are fanciful, but their occurrence in texts and glosses may reveal a linguistic precision covered in grammatical study. Science in the Anglo-Saxon classroom took the form of computus and natural history. Elementary computus was found in the Anglo-Saxon curriculum and may be best represented in Bede's De temporum ratione or De temporibus. The advanced curriculum in the Anglo-Saxon monastery may have included a significant amount of Latin verse. Prosper's Epigrammata may be thought of as superseding Cato's Distichs a thoroughly pagan work. Production of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and the translations of Bede's Historia ecclesiastica and Orosius' Historia adversus paganos suggest the prominence of the subject.
The systematic analysis of manuscripts containing versions of the text known as the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle originated during the reign of Queen Elizabeth I, as part of an attempt to assemble and organise information about the available sources for English history. The seven manuscripts, and one fragment, have been known since 1848 by letters of the alphabet (A-H), symbolising the continued recognition of their collective identity as a group of related texts. The oldest extant manuscript of the Chronicle, was written in the late ninth or early tenth century. The Old English translations of Orosius' World History, and of Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, seem to have formed part of King Alfred's reform and regeneration plan. The two earliest editions of the vernacular text were published in the seventeenth century: Abraham Whelock's edition of manuscript G, and Edmund Gibson's edition of manuscript E, both furnished with translations into Latin.
Sulgenus Sapiens, Sulien the Wise of Llanbadarn Fawr in Ceredigion, was twice bishop of St David's. Quotations and allusions imply that Rhygyfarch and Ieuan had studied, first in the classical and Late Latin tradition, Vergil, Ovid, Lucan, Juvencus, Prudentius, Martianus Capella, Caelius Sedulius, Boethius, and possibly Statius, Horace and Juvenal. Second, the prose Lives imply that Rhygyfarch and Ieuan had studied the works of the primary Cambro-Latin author, Gildas: De excidio Brittanniae, Epistolae, and Penitential. In the third place, both brothers knew the earliest Armorico-Latin hagiographic text, the eighth-century Vita Sancti Samsonis. Rhygyfarch borrowed from the Life of Gregory and the Life of Samson stories about the golden-beaked dove, bringing them into play earlier in the Life of David and closer to his person than in the sources. Ieuan's poem in praise of his father records extended periods during which Sulien had studied in Ireland and in Scotland.
Covering more than a millennium of the history of the book in Britain, this book deals with a longer period than do all the rest of this series put together. Extending from Roman Britain to the first generation of the Anglo-Norman realm, it embraces both of the two memorable dates in English history. Stretching in bibliographical terms from the Vindolanda Tablets through the Lindisfarne Gospels to the Domesday Book, it includes some of the most famous and fascinating artefacts of written culture ever produced in these isles. The book establishes comparison and contrast between the worlds of books in the main periods such as Roman, pre-Viking, post-Viking, early Norman. The Christian missions from Rome and from Ireland defined the earliest channels for the importation of books to Anglo-Saxon England. Many of the books used in Roman Britain are likely to have been imported from elsewhere in the Roman Empire, arriving via well-organised routes of communication.
When Albanus of Verulamium came to the river on his way to martyrdom, its waters parted miraculously, and he was executed on the green hill beyond, the site of the modern cathedral and city of St Albans. The Roman town he left behind was ultimately abandoned, and by the eleventh century its ruins had become a subterranean slum infested by thieves and prostitutes. To abolish this eyesore and to salvage bricks to rebuild their church, the abbots of St Albans started demolition. In one of the buildings, in a wall recess, the workmen found ‘along with a number of lesser books and rolls, a strange book-roll which had suffered but little in spite of its great age’. It was written in the language of the ancient Britons, in a peculiar script which only an elderly priest could read; he found it was the History of St Alban. When this had been translated into Latin and published, the original crumbled miraculously into dust. But ‘the other books’ found here and elsewhere, ‘in which the inventions of the devil were contained’, were discarded and burnt; they contained details of pagan cult.
This moral tale, with its implication that ancient manuscripts when found are always religious, is harder to accept than the eleven witnesses to the discovery and punctual disappearance of the gold tablets of the Book of Mormon. But the setting is circumstantial, and perhaps the monks elaborated an actual discovery of buried Roman manuscripts.
As this famous Riddle from the Exeter Book of Old English poetry teasingly records, medieval books were made from sheets of parchment which were cut to size, folded and gathered into groups to form quires. The basic material of the medieval book was, as the Riddle advertises, animal skin. A potentially important factor here, however, was the circumstance that the manuscript was prepared with wide margins on both sides of the main text-block to provide space for glosses. The aesthetic of the page, not to mention the important practical detail of how much text it could contain, was established by the dimensions of the written area as well as by the size and shape of the volume as a whole. Anglo-Saxon books were composed of more regular quire structures than their Irish equivalents. The sheets were marked with prickings to guide the rulings, which in their turn guided the script.
The fenland abbey of Ramsey was founded in Anglo-Saxon England in 966. Fifty years later its most famous native son, the monk Byrhtferth was able to draw on the resources of a library containing slightly in excess of 100 titles. The search for books belonging to the early phases of Ramsey's library is thrown back on to the corpus of writings, in Latin and Old English, by Byrhtferth. These include computistical writings (a Latin Computus, and the Enchiridion, an introduction to the same Computus ), hagiography (Vita S. Oswaldi and Vita S. Ecgwini), and history (Historia regum), as well as a vast collectaneum of excerpts, classical, patristic and Carolingian, assembled to illustrate two treatises of Bede (De natura rerum and De temporum ratione), and known as the Glossae Bridferti in Bedam. An astronomical text which was apparently brought to Ramsey by Abbo and which is quoted on several occasions by Byrhtferth is the Astronomica of Hyginus.
The single most important source detectable behind the oeuvre of Cynewulf is, unsurprisingly, the Bible, echoes of various parts of which are scattered throughout three of his four poems. Cynewulf's version of the Passio of St Juliana is nearest in all particulars to that which appears in an early ninth-century collection of Latin saints' lives now in Paris. The role of the Anglo-Saxon poet as editor and arranger, rather than as simple translator of his Latin material, is clearly demonstrated than in Cynewulf's handling of his sources for Fates of the Apostles. If three of his poems reveal a debt to hagiography, the fourth, Christ II, signals Cynewulf's knowledge of certain writings of the Fathers of the church. Cynewulf's corpus shows that he could handle the forms of vernacular poetry. As he had access to selected works by Gregory, Ambrose and Bede, it implies that the poet was based at a major ecclesiastical centre.
This chapter considers the collective body of writings associated with the ninth-century court of Alfred for the purpose of reconstructing the books available to Alfred and his circle. Three of these texts, the Pastoral Care, the Dialogues and the Ecclesiastical History, are fairly close translations of the original works, all of which were well known in earlier Anglo-Saxon England. The Alfredian version is the earliest evidence for the knowledge of the Consolatio in England. The possibility that the Alfredian circle drew on a commentary on the Latin Boethius has been much discussed. The main source of the Old English Orosius is the fifth-century Latin text of Paulus Orosius, entitled Historiae adversum paganos libri septem. The annals known as the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle are thought first to have been compiled in King Alfred's circle during the last decade of the ninth century.
There were two languages in extensive use for writing and reading in Anglo-Saxon England: Latin and English. It is convenient to distinguish between literacy in Latin and literacy in English. At the time of the conversion, Latin was an entirely foreign language to the English, who had had relatively little contact with the Roman Empire or with Latin-speaking Britons. Competence and indeed skill in reading and writing Latin came remarkably quickly to the English after conversion. Within seventy years Aldhelm was composing highly sophisticated Latin verse and prose. Ælfric's vernacular works are explicitly addressed to the laity or the secular clergy, while his Latin writings are for monks. Byrhtferth of Ramsey makes the distinction explicit in his Enchiridion. The production of documents in the vernacular seems to have begun very soon after the conversion. From King Alfred's time onwards the vernacular is in regular use for books of Bible translations, homilies, saints' lives, history, computus, medicine and much else.
A certain enemy cut me off from life, robbed me of my mortal strength, then dipped me and dunked me in water, took me out again, and set me in the sun where I utterly lost the hairs that I had. Then the hard edge of a knife cut me, scraped clean of impurities. Fingers folded me, and the bird’s joy repeatedly made tracks across me with lucky droppings; across the burnished rim it swallowed dye from the tree, a measure of liquid, then stepped on to me again and journeyed with black tracks. Then a man clad me in protective boards, covered me with hide, adorned me with gold. Thereupon the wondrous work of smiths made me radiant, encased in filigree.
As this famous Riddle from the Exeter Book of Old English poetry teasingly records, medieval books were made from sheets of parchment which were cut to size, folded and gathered into groups to form quires. The sheets were marked with prickings to guide the rulings, which in their turn guided the script. When the sheets had been written, rubricated and (if appropriate) decorated, the quires were finally sewn onto cords which were laced into wooden boards, to form a codex. Each stage of this process was subject to variations according to the time and place of manufacture, and to the nature and grade of the manuscript itself. The volume described in the Riddle was probably a gospel-book (as the text goes on to reveal): accordingly, its functional binding of wooden boards clad in leather was ornamented with a treasure cover of gold and filigree work. The same luxurious process is described in the Life of St Wilfrid (d. 709), who ‘ordered jewellers to make for [his gold-on-purple gospel-book] a casing fabricated entirely of the purest gold and [adorned] with the most precious gems’, and is alluded to in the colophon of the Lindisfarne Gospels: ‘Æthelwald … impressed [the book] on the outside and covered it, as he well knew how to do. And Billfrith the anchorite forged the ornaments which are on it on the outside and adorned it with gold and with gems and also with gilded-over silver – pure metal.
From the surviving eleventh century manuscripts, one can find a use of the vernacular unparalleled in any other Western European language until the later Middle Ages. Two books date from the 970s, the Exeter and Vercelli Books. The Exeter Book is large in scale and written in a bold clear hand; a few of its poems are long. The Vercelli Book's contents are entirely religious, mainly homilies and saints' lives. In The Husband's Message, The Wife's Lament and Wulf and Eadwacer we have the closest that Old English verse comes to love poetry. The poems also include The Dream of the Rood, perhaps the most famous Old English religious poem. Thirty-six other manuscripts or manuscript fragments have copies of all or part of the Catholic Homilies. The majority of Ælfric homilies are in large-scale codices with bold handwriting, clearly designed for public reading.
Since no library list from Iona has survived, and the only extant manuscript that can be linked with certainty to the island is a copy of the Vita sancti Columbae, it is on the basis of the texts quoted in Adomnán's two books that one can reconstruct the contents of the island's library. The Vita Germani by Constantius can be identified from the Vita Columbae, along with the anonymous Actus Silvestri. Incidentally, through Bede's words of praise for the learning displayed in the De locis sanctis, Adomnán himself was included in the later updates of the De viris inlustribus. One other piece of textual evidence that is relevant to Iona's library appears in the seventh-century Irish poem Amra Choluimb Chille in praise of Columba. Much speculation has been devoted to the form of the biblical text on Iona which, in turn, has focused on the presence of non-Vulgate lemmata in Adomnán's works.
English Square Minuscule is a formalised development of the compressed angular minuscule scripts in use in England in the eighth and ninth centuries. The translations of the Latin originals were presumably copied at Alfred's court using the compressed pointed minuscule. The morphology of Square Minuscule owes much to the competing influences of all these earlier forms of writing. This chapter presents a brief survey of notable manuscripts copied in Square Minuscule and suggests something of the evolution of the script. It conveys both the diversity of extant examples and the role of as yet unidentified writing centres in their production. The chapter describes a manuscript of the letters of Alcuin which should probably be dated to the start of the tenth century and is written in a very large and rather clumsy Square Minuscule. Square Minuscule was pioneered and preferred as the basic script of greater Wessex during much of the tenth century.
Formulae are quoted by Gaius in the Institutes, the only ancient textbook of Roman law to survive entirely, and they show that legal hand books were available in Roman Britain. In Britain four or five hundred stilus writing-tablets have now been found, but few of them are legible. More relevant to the history of the book are three legal documents found in recent years, since they imply the presence of law books and other works of reference. Flavius Cerialis was well educated, despite his Germanic origin, and it is hardly surprising that several scraps of Vergil have now been found at Vindolanda. The first fragment in Vindolanda to be identified was a line from a little-read part of the Aeneid. Pelagius' Latin has been characterised as mostly clear and correct. The preface to Pelagius' Letter to Demetrias conventionally rates content above style, with the engaging image of whole meal bread rather than white.
The student of the book in early medieval Wales, and also in those other areas that remained British-speaking, labours under a modest handicap: there are no surviving books known to have been written in Wales or Cornwall before the ninth century. English books survived somewhat better because they travelled along both routes to preservation, Francia in the eighth and ninth centuries and into the libraries of reformed English monasteries and cathedrals in the tenth century. Details of the Latin orthography used by the Irish, as well as the way they pronounced Latin, have confirmed the importance of the British role in their conversion. It has been proposed that the Hibernensis was intended for the British as well as for the Irish church. Yet the Latin culture of pre-Norman Wales remained very closely attached to the book. In a more general sense, lector could, occasionally, be used of the pupil himself.