To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Two authentic works have survived to the modern era, an Epistola ad milites Corotici, ‘Letter to the Soldiers of Coroticus’, in which Patrick excommunicates a post-Roman British tyrant who had murdered some Christian catechumens and sold others into slavery, and a Confessio, ‘Confession’, in which Patrick explains himself to those whom he had converted in Ireland and justifies his mission to those who had opposed it in Britain. The letters survive in eight manuscripts: the earliest giving an abridged text copied at the beginning of the ninth century in Armagh; a second during the tenth century, perhaps in the diocese of Soissons; a third about the year 1000 at Worcester; a fourth during the eleventh century, owned if not written at Jumièges; three during the twelfth century in northern France and in England; and one during the seventeenth century. As among these eight manuscripts seven are independent of each other, the text of the letters is fairly secure. In these compositions Patrick describes his fatherland as Brittanniae ‘the Britains’ and neighbouring regions as Galliae ‘the Gauls’, and he refers incidentally to coinage, solidi and scriptulae, implying that he was born while Roman administration still functioned in a Britain divided into several provinces, perhaps about ad 390, certainly before 410. He states that he was born into a family of landowners, slaveholders, civil servants and churchmen.
The activities of Abbot Ceolfrith and the missionary Boniface give us valuable insights into the history of the Anglo-Saxon Bible. This chapter gives fair weight to part-bibles, from both the Old and New Testaments, and the less numerous complete bibles. The foundations of scripture in English were laid during the Anglo-Saxon period. Irish influence is especially visible in the style of decoration of Northumbrian gospel-books. A number of Uncial gospel-book leaves now bound with other books were probably also copied at Wearmouth-Jarrow. Lindisfarne, Durham and Echternach are characteristic of the complex story of the Northumbrian gospel-book. The chapter also deals with the beginnings of the vernacular Bible. The Latin Vulgate remained the official Bible of the English church from the Anglo-Saxon period until the Reformation, but the concept of the part-bible in the contemporary English vernacular was already established by the end of the tenth century.
In c.900-1066 Anglo-Saxon gospel-books are easily the most numerous of all surviving Latin biblical codices. This chapter considers their contents, their makeup and layout, their decoration and illustrations before examining where, when and why they were made. Two of the three plainer books are written in English Square Minuscule, an inheritance from the Insular past. In the Judith Monte Cassino Gospels the symbol was placed in the tympanum of the archon the facing initial page. The transmission of the Word of God is visually represented in these evangelist picture pages. In the York Gospels the hand of God replaces symbols, and is in direct contact with the evangelists. Grimbald has a capitulary different from that found in many other books, and it is similar to Arenberg's, another probable Canterbury book. Eadwig Basan also contributed to the York Gospels, whose evangelist portraits share features with those in Grimbald and Arenberg.
The present volume stands as the latest contribution to a distinguished tradition of scholarship on the manuscripts of early Britain that stretches back to Matthew Parker (1504–75). In the last fifteen years of his life, Parker not only collected and salvaged manuscripts but studied them, he and his entourage scouring their pages for material that could inform his intellectual concerns and buttress his ecclesiastical standpoints. A range of works that he owned in manuscript can be shown to lie behind his De antiquitate Britannicae ecclesiae cum 70 Archiepiscopis Cantuariensibus (1572), for example. Parker’s intention may often have been polemical – justifying his views and the Elizabethan church settlement in general by tracing them back to an early English church that had been purer, he could claim, than the Roman Catholic one of his own day – but the material was nevertheless scrutinised and published after a fashion. Indeed, his revealingly named A Testimonie of Antiquitie shewing the auncient faith in the Church of England touching the sacrament of the body and bloude of the Lord … (1566/7) included the first edition of any Old English texts – namely the Lord’s Prayer, Creed, Ten Commandments, two Ælfric letters and a homily – printed (by the enterprising John Day) using a typeface specially created for the purpose.
The books made by Insular monks and nuns during the earlier fifth century stand as monument to their contribution to the transmission of scripture, to the preservation of elements of the cultures of northern European prehistory and of the Graeco-Roman world, and to the transition from late Antiquity to the Middle Ages. Display scripts are a striking feature of Insular book production. The illuminated incipit page reached its zenith in the great Insular gospel books, wherein it formed an essential part of the programme of decoration. A successive fusion of Uncials and New Roman cursive would similarly give rise to fully developed half-Uncial as a more economical solution to the need for a legible, prestigious book script. The use of minuscule scripts also characterises the later members of the Southumbrian Tiberius group of manuscripts such as the Royal Prayerbook, the Book of Nunnaminster and the Book of Cerne.
A survey of antiquarian work on early British books should include the contribution of the remarkable palaeographer, Humfrey Wanley. His Librorum Veterum Septentrionalium qui in Angliae Bibliothecis extant. Catalogus provides a conspectus of relevant manuscripts that was not superseded until 1957. In 1910 and 1912 W. M. Lindsay issued his path-breaking handbooks on Early Irish Minuscule Script and Early Welsh Script, and three years later he reported British scribal practices among his exhaustive descriptions of early patterns of abbreviation, Notae Latinae. The number of early British manuscripts that have received detailed scrutiny is comparatively small. Fuller data concerning the survival of particular texts, and more accurate estimates as to the dates of individual manuscripts had facilitated the labours of scholars such as Clemoes, Cross, Godden, Hill, Pope and Scragg in exploring the sources, circulation and dissemination of Old English texts.
In Tudor England, access to the written word was constrained not simply by an individual's acquisition of letters, by his/her linguistic knowledge, but by mastery of script and print types. In the regions to the north and west of the former Roman Empire, writing in the vernacular developed by a process of subordination to Latin. In this period many vernacular texts appear to have been produced and multiplied outside the confines of disciplined scriptoria where house styles are evident. While Neil Ker's masterly comments offer general guidance for the dating of vernacular script. Indeed, all the evidence suggests that Vernacular Minuscule was the native script of scribes and scholars in the eleventh century. Vernacular Minuscule survived for a generation after the Norman Conquest in a number of monasteries. The history of Old English vernacular script proper, therefore, only begins in the century before the Conquest.
The earliest illuminated manuscripts that have a definite or possible association with Wales are two gospel-books: Lichfield Gospels and Hereford Gospels. Art-historically the Lichfield Gospels may be placed somewhere between the Lindisfarne Gospels and the Book of Kells. The Hereford Gospels is a rare surviving example of a non-luxury gospel-book which primarily functioned as a lectionary. Each framed page is set out on a fairly grand scale consisting of an ornamental monogram comprising three letters followed by decorative geometric capitals. The form and layout of the decoration in both manuscripts is part of an Insular continuum dating back to the eighth century. There is evidence for the continuing use of Insular illuminated exemplars in Wales as late as the mid thirteenth century. The earliest version of the Welsh law book Llyfr Iorwerth includes some heavily cropped drawings including winged evangelist symbols, in the lower margins of three pages.
Italian and Frankish forms of Roman script were introduced by the missionaries into the areas of Britain occupied by the English. This chapter focuses on a period when contacts with the Continent and English and Irish contributions to Continental affairs were particularly notable. These contacts, furthermore, have to be set against the background of links with the Continent throughout the period of English settlement in sub-Roman Britain. Aside from the ever-growing quantity of archaeological evidence, the surviving books and texts considered in the chapter constitute the bedrock of evidence. Links between the British Isles and the Continent during the seventh century should first be considered within the context provided by Bede in his Historia ecclesiastica for England's connections across the North Sea. The chapter looks only at the eastward direction of the exchange of texts between England and the Frankish kingdoms.
When the Vindolanda tablets, dating from between ad 90 and 120, were discovered on Hadrian’s Wall in the 1970s, they changed dramatically our understanding of the place of Roman Britain in the literate world of the Roman Empire. The range and variety of the texts represented on the hundreds of ink-written wooden tablets included military documents and reports, occasional literary texts and references (to Vergil and Catullus, for instance) and a wealth of personal letters exchanged with people elsewhere in Britain, north-west Gaul and Rome itself. These letters include autographs by individuals, even the wives of the military commanders, as well as professional writers. The several hundred men and women responsible for these remnants of the Vindolanda community were not members of the social and literary elites but were nevertheless people for whom the individual power to generate and control texts was important. The Roman capital and cursive scripts on the tablets, coupled with the evidence of stone inscriptions, are an eloquent witness both to the presence, and possibly the introduction, of writing to the region as a consequence of the Roman army’s occupation of Britain, and to the connection between the production of literary texts and of administrative documents. The collection as a whole is a salutary reminder not only of Britain’s communication with the rest of the Roman world, but also of the Romano-British population’s participation in the literary culture of that world. Further, the Roman script system survived and was in the process of development in western Britain and Ireland before the arrival of the English in the course of the fifth and sixth centuries. Italian and Frankish forms of Roman script were then introduced by the missionaries into the areas of Britain occupied by the English.
Ælfric of Eynsham was a prolific writer. One important question about the nature of the resources available to him in Cerne or Eynsham is to what extent he relied on collections of excerpts or abridgements, whether compiled earlier by others or extracted by himself on visits to other libraries for his own future use, and did not have access to the full texts in his own library. He evidently made use of two Latin abridgements, of Julian of Toledo's Prognosticon and Alcuin's De animae ratione, which appear in a manuscript containing texts associated with him. For his homilies and saints' lives he relied heavily on two substantial collections of relevant Latin texts. Foremost of these was the vast homiliary compiled by Paul the Deacon. Ælfric used just about a hundred items from the collection in compiling the Catholic Homilies and later homiletic collections, choosing mainly work by (or attributed to) Augustine, Gregory and Bede.
A compilation of Old Testament, liturgical and computistical texts that was written in northern France in the third quarter of the ninth century had apparently crossed the English Channel by the early tenth century when certain letters were retraced by an Anglo-Saxon hand. However, the volume ended up in Normandy, and subsequent additions suggest that it was there in the first half of the twelfth century and probably by 1100. This chapter deals with the books that were passed between England and the European Continent during the period c. 871 - c.1100. These include a copy of Boethius' De consolatione philosophiae, and the first stratum of the Leofric Missal. Anglo-Saxon use of imported books is variously attested by occasional glosses such as when a Continental copy of Prosper was supplied with a nearly continuous gloss in Old English. By the second half of the tenth century, the traffic in books had become a two-way street.
Wulfstan of York was by any measure a central figure in late Anglo-Saxon England. Clues to Wulfstan's range of reading can be gleaned from several different kinds of evidence, namely those books he annotated, those books he compiled, and those he echoed in his own works. Manuscripts, whether they were produced for or annotated by Wulfstan, or were compiled under his supervision, or seem to reflect earlier such compilations, are naturally of primary importance in attempting to reconstruct Wulfstan's library. No fewer than eighteen such manuscripts survive which provide an invaluable witness to what Wulfstan read and chose to be transmitted. Wulfstan's habits of reading and annotation contain a range of material, from collections of canon law, penitential texts, liturgical material, sermons and homilies and letters, together with the occasional poem. Reorganisation, repetition and recycling of the material at his disposal seem to have been the hallmark of all Wulfstan's work, as exemplified by his composition: Sermo Lupi ad Anglos.
Ædiluulf 's encomium of Ultán provides one set of answers to questions that are central to the study of Anglo-Saxon scribes. Some writing implements have been recovered from Anglo-Saxon contexts at various sites, including Barking, Flixborough, Jarrow, Whitby and Winchester. Some of the handful of scribal colophons found in our manuscripts makes this explicit: the Rægenbold and Farmon who added the Old English gloss to the MacRegol Gospels describe themselves as priests. The first relatively clear reference to a scriptorium in the sense of a communal writing-room relates to the generation after the Conquest and the special circumstances of the professional scribes hired by Abbot Paul of St Albans. The extant material reveals diverse patterns of collaboration in the task of writing a book. Some volumes are holographs, which are entirely written by a single scribe.
The mass-book fragments of eighth-century date suggest codices impressive in size, layout and script. These, along with the fragmentary office lectionary, enable us to suppose that at least the advanced centres of book production in England before the Viking incursions had the capacity to supply liturgical books. The Continental import that unquestionably sheds light on the making of liturgical books in England is the famous Leofric Missal. At heart this is a late ninth-century mass-book of the supplemented Gregorian type common in northern Francia by that time; it was brought to England, quite possibly to Canterbury. Evidence concerning liturgical books at the male monastic house in Winchester, the New Minster, exists in both direct and indirect witnesses. Earlier evidence for the New Minster comes in the extremely complex book nicknamed, the Red Book of Darley. The Benedictional of St Æthelwold, arguably the best-known late Anglo-Saxon liturgical book, is datable to that prelate's episcopacy at Winchester, 963-84.
Gospel-books produced in Ireland, Britain and Insular centres on the Continent constitute an important phase in the history of medieval book design. These books were elaborately decorated and written in formal script, and were impressive witnesses to the sacred and authoritative nature of Christ's words and actions. Insular manuscripts display greater variety in their layouts, scripts and decorations than the Mediterranean counterparts which served as their immediate or ultimate exemplars. In Codex Usserianus Primus, projecting semi-circles on the corners and red dots surrounding the monogram are the only elements that presage later developments in Insular decoration. Although Kells' gospel text was copied carelessly, in one instance a page was written twice, aesthetic qualities of script and decoration appear to have been of the highest concern to those producing the book. The presence of more than 2,000 decorative motifs within the text, however, distinguishes Kells from other Insular gospel-books.