To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
While poetry would eventually enable Québécois literature, and subsequently Acadian, Franco-Ontarian, and Franco-Manitoban writing, to make the transition to modernity, it had first to pass through a long period of uncertainty and obscurity. Even in 1981, Laurent Mailhot and Pierre Nepveu maintained that up until the end of the nineteenth century, “les rimeurs franais d’Amérique imitent, racontent, prêchent, se plaignent, décrivent, chantent mais n’écrivent guère.” Nonetheless, the sheer bulk of the Textes poétiques du Canada français (TPCF) remains striking: twelve volumes covering the period from 1606 to 1867 (10,000 pages, 3,857 poems, 227,175 lines), published between 1987 and 2000. Furthermore, the prefaces accompanying the poetry identify and define the development of two and a half centuries of a literary life which had, so far, never been considered as autonomous, but rather as a tributary of other historical, political, and social domains. Who would have thought that French Canada produced so many poems? While the TPCF may not represent a fundamental shift of the milestones in the history of French-Canadian poetry that have been established over the course of several centuries, the collection is a vitally important achievement. Functioning within both synchronic and diachronic perspectives, it uncovers, classifies, and puts into context thousands of compositions in verse.
We have come to view the First World War as a pointless bloodbath, a “monstrous and futile Valley of Death.” Yet during the war years and indeed for decades after, many Canadians thought otherwise. In September 1914, two Methodist clergymen, Samuel Chown and A. Carman, described the good that had already come from the “crushing evil” of the war: “There has been such a manifestation of the patriotism of our people as to enkindle our souls to ardor and admiration. We are aroused to emulate heroic sacrifices and valiant deeds. We come all of us to feel we have a country, a land we call our own, and to unite in its protection and service. In these seven-fold hotter fires, our varied elements are fused to beauty and to strength.” After just a month of war, the hottest fires were yet to come – the Second Battle of Ypres, Vimy Ridge, Passchendaele – but already, in Chown and Carman’s prescient address, Canada’s war was taking on a mythic dimension as a nation-forging crucible. The victory at Vimy Ridge in 1917 – when the four Canadian divisions, composed of men from across the country, advanced over a height of land that neither British nor French troops had been able to take – is still identified as “the key to making Canada a nation.”
Prelude and the precursors of the Confederation group
“Whereas the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick have expressed their Desire to be federally united into One Dominion under the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. …” When the British North America Act, of which these are the opening words, came into effect on July 1, 1867, the ground was prepared for the growth of what many expected would be a robustly northern national culture. Some seeds had already been sown and more were expected quickly to follow. While Confederation was barely a gleam in its fathers’ eyes, one of its most eloquent proponents, Thomas D’Arcy McGee, published a collection of Canadian Ballads (1858). During the Dominion’s infancy even one of its most vehement opponents, Joseph Howe, was persuaded to assemble for publication a selection of the verses that would appear posthumously in 1874 in his Poems and Essays. In that year, “the Canadian Burns,” Alexander McLachlan, followed The Emigrant, and Other Poems (1861) with Poems and Songs (1874), and in 1877 the arch-Tory William Kirby followed The U. E.: A Tale of Upper Canada in XII Cantos (1859) with The Golden Dog (Le Chien d’or: A Legend) of Quebec (1877). An English translation of Philippe-Joseph Aubert de Gaspé’s racially conciliatory historical romance Les Anciens Canadiens (1863) had preceded Confederation and another would follow, albeit not until 1890, by which time Edward Hartley Dewart’s anticipatory Selections from Canadian Poets (1864) had given way to William Douw Lighthall’s stridently Canadian Songs of the Great Dominion (1889). In the interim, Louis Honoré Fréchette’s Les Fleurs boréales (1879) had won the prestigious Prix Montyon of the Académie Française.
Modernism took its time crossing the Atlantic, and when it arrived in downtown Toronto, it was as if it had eaten too much roast beef and drunk too much claret during its first-class passage. It was introduced to the Canadian nationalism of the 1920s. It was taken to see the Group of Seven. It fell asleep during a debate at the Arts and Letters Club about whether Bliss Carman was a better poet than Wilson MacDonald, and it didn’t wake up for twenty years.
This view of modernism’s arrival in Canada by a talented contemporary writer can be corroborated by a glance at the introductions of two major anthologies of Canadian poetry at the time of the First World War. In The Oxford Book of Canadian Verse (1913), after anxiously taking up most of his Preface considering at least five different sets of criteria to define Canadian poetry, Wilfred Campbell gives up and concedes that “the true British-Canadian verse, if it has any real root and lasting influence, must necessarily be but an offshoot of the great tree of British literature, as the American school also is, though less obviously.” Campbell then goes on to justify the inclusion of poems by the Duke of Argyll, Governor General of Canada from 1878 to 1883. In a similar vein, John W. Garvin, in his “Editor’s Foreword” to Canadian Poets (1916), gives a soaring characterization of poetry which, “at its height, implies beauty and the driving force of passion.”
The technique of printing and its ancillary processes is more certainly known for the eighteenth century than for any previous period. Changes in the technology of printing were driven by an increase in the scale of production, which was the fruit of the rapid increase in the population and its urbanization during the course of the nineteenth century, and of the improvement in networks for the distribution of products. Copperplate engraving and printing was a technique that differed radically from that of letterpress printing, and the two trades were generally carried on separately. Some major printing houses may have had several copperplate presses if an important part of their work included the printing of maps and charts. The introduction of industrial techniques to printing seems at first halting and partial if one compares it with contemporary changes in other industries.
Throughout the colonial period, most books read in America were British, as was to be expected in a mercantilist colonial system; however, in the first half of the eighteenth century, the London book trade paid little attention to the colonies. In the second half of the century the book trade awoke to the potential of the American market, just as it was slipping away. Some American publishers offered Canadian booksellers discounts of 30-40 per cent, which alleviated the burden of a 30 per cent duty. This made American reprints of British books competitive with British imports, at least in some regions, and it encouraged Canadians to buy American editions of American authors as well, notwithstanding frequent warnings from civil and religious authorities about their pernicious effects. The legal and economic barriers to book production in Canada before the 1820s were much stronger than they had been in the lower thirteen colonies before 1776.
The establishment and rapid spread of general book reviewing in the second half of the eighteenth century clearly altered the balance of book publishing, introducing a new factor into the marketing and reading of books. In the Critical Review's striking phrase, reviewing 'inclosed what was once a common field', and, whether they liked or loathed it, fought it or exploited it, booksellers, authors and readers came to expect this further factor in the publishing relationship. Advertising and the sight of the physical volumes themselves were no longer necessarily the primary means of initial acquaintance with books. Before ever reading booksellers' advertisements in newspapers or books, before encountering title pages, prefaces and other physical aspects of books in shops or libraries, consumers might well already have seen, and sometimes paid for, the opinions of reviewers. Bookselling has never been the same.
The archives of the Stationers' Company provide our richest source of biographical material for members of the London book trades. The eighteenth century and the first decades of the nineteenth saw a growth in the membership of the Company, an improvement in the record keeping and a wider range of information being recorded. Moreover, during this period the Company remained predominantly tied to the members of the book trade when other City companies were relaxing their guild connections. The English Stock was a joint trading company operated from within the Stationers' Company itself. There is a large area of the records where the information will lead to a fuller understanding of the sociology of the Company and the London trade. These relate to the paying of pensions and giving of charity to the less financially successful members of the Company.
This chapter describes the preliminary analysis of the surviving record of eighteenth-century imprints in Britain and Ireland based on an ordered sampling of the English short-title catalogue (ESTC). Altogether, the 34,335 records scrutinized yielded some 134,732 items of data. This information was acquired by examining every record for information pertinent to five principal categories: genre, place of publication, bibliographical format, length (in sheets) and reprints and/or repeat publications. When one considers one-sheet formats, that is, both unfolded publications such as broadsides in their several manifestations and single-sheet pamphlets, he/she should be even more troubled by the inherent uncertainties introduced both by the ephemerality of such forms and by the cataloguing practices of the ESTC. It is important to bear in mind too that reprints were likely to be published in smaller formats than first editions, increasingly so as the century progressed, and that these 'little books last least'.
The three score and ten years from the lapse of the Printing Acts to the Lords' decision in Donaldson v. Becket, 1695-1774, witnessed many developments that materially affected the production, distribution and reception of English literature in Britain. New productions of old plays, if they did reasonably well, often occasioned new editions. In the comic repertoire, for example, Congreve, Vanbrugh, Cibber, Farquhar and Steele were repeatedly staged and frequently reprinted. Sales of the dead, and successful living, authors subsidized the publication of new works: plays as well as poems and, later, prose fiction. During the Restoration and eighteenth century, play texts were most commonly reprints of whatever edition was close to hand. Few playwrights showed much concern for the texts of their published plays, most attended neither to the first edition, nor to the correction or revision of subsequent editions, Congreve being the most obvious and important exception.
Ephemera that survive from the eighteenth century suggest a general opening up of printing to ordinary people on an unprecedented scale. With the relaxation of control over the setting up of printing houses in Britain, one sees a gradual spread of printing beyond London and the universities of Oxford and Cambridge to the rest of the country. The innovations such as emphatic typographic display, colour-printing, lithography and steel-engraving, prepared the way for changes in the appearance of ephemera in the early nineteenth century. Among other things, these new approaches to design and production helped to characterize different market sectors: monochrome and often robust letterpress printing catered for routine work; coloured and refined designs for the tastes of a leisured class. This distinction may not have been entirely new, but it was one that must have become increasingly evident from the 1820s.
Religious books and pamphlets of all kinds indisputably constituted the largest part of the publishing market in the period 1695 to 1830, just as they had since the invention of printing. They fell into three main categories, namely doctrinal books, controversial books and practical books. This chapter concentrates on aspects of the third and largest category, which contained a huge range of books of different size, length and price aimed at different audiences. The writers of such books were mostly clergy or ministers of different denominations, though there were some lay authors; their readers, depending on the kind of book and how it was distributed, were the clergy and large numbers of the laity. Divinity students, clergy and ministers of different denominations were in urgent need of guides to the mass of religious publications that poured from the presses and of commentaries to help them interpret the Bible.
Commercial ingenuity dominates the history of printing and publishing in Britain in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and in many ways booksellers, but also authors and readers, came to treat the various products of the printing press more as market commodities, more as goods directed to specific audiences. The expansion in literary commerce turned, like all other domestic industries, on the attractiveness of the product. The fundamental determinant of the market for new publications was price, and although it is extremely perilous to do so, one should try to establish the course of the relative price of new books. In establishing a wholesale price structure, the London publishers had to consider the mark-up necessary to make the participation of retailers worthwhile. Bookselling success derived far less from supply-led production than it did from the successful exploitation of cartels and techniques to create the appearance of new markets.
The Dutch book trade provided the major channel through which English books were distributed on the Continent in the early eighteenth century. In the second half of the century, the Dutch trade retained its leading position, but it appears to have gradually lost its key function as distributor of English books to the Continent. In the total corpus of continental translations, literary works constituted the central element. The literature of travel and geographical exploration was of great interest on the Continent not only were the reports of James Cook and other individual works translated, but large new collections of travel accounts were also compiled. In some fields such as classical and oriental studies, the intellectual exchanges between England and scholarly centres on the Continent were particularly intense. Many details of this traffic in ideas across the Channel are also of interest to the book historian.
The standard model of authorship in the 'long eighteenth century' is a narrative of transformation and modernization. Culturally conservative writers such as Pope continued to regard such authors as debasers of literature, but by the second quarter of the century the authors themselves began to declare openly that they wrote for money: they 'professed' themselves to be authors-for-pay. 'Literary marketplace', like 'professional author', is under-defined and undertheorized. It is now used loosely for three or four different transactions: the author sells a copyright to a bookseller; the booksellers sell shares in copyright to each other; the bookseller hires a writer and pays him so much per page; the bookseller, acting as retailer, sells printed books to the reader. Historians of the book trade show that very few authors would have had any bargaining power in selling copyrights. Authors who could consider themselves gentlemen shared the prejudice against writing for 'necessity' or 'livelihood'.
A major distribution channel for imported books was the book sale. During the first half of the eighteenth century, the Continent, and the Dutch Republic in particular, continued to send vast numbers of books, old and new, to the British Isles. This phenomenon can be partly explained by the long-lasting isolation of the British publishing industry with regard to mainland Europe, partly by the unique position of the United Provinces as the 'intellectual entrepot of Europe'. This situation changed slowly: the most important development during the second half of the century was the slow decline of the Dutch dominance of the British market for imported books to the benefit of French and German, and to a lesser degree Flemish and Italian, booksellers. As readers on the Continent were becoming increasingly interested in English-language British books, opportunities were finally created for a redress, however modest at first, of the long-standing imbalance in the Anglo-continental book trade.
The London printers William Bowyer, father and son, entered the year 1731 with justifiable confidence. The elder Bowyer had been in business since 1699, his skill and integrity securing valuable customers. Chief among these were the London booksellers, the wholesaling and retailing entrepreneurs who together virtually monopolized the British book trade. A closer sense of the resultant rhythms of work may be gained by surveying the year's work as a whole. There were twenty-five pay periods for the year, each ending on a Saturday. Seventeen covered the previous two weeks' work, the others either one or three weeks. The twenty-five works underline the printer's dependence on the London booksellers, especially when it is also noted that Bowyer had been given the printing of only part of seven works. Parliamentary work was thus all the more sought after, for it eventually yielded Bowyer (and his competitor Richardson) something like double the profit.
This chapter talks about the editing in Britain of patristic texts, classical texts and the writings of Shakespeare. The broader field of the editing of Greek and Latin classical texts similarly reflected cultural, academic and social issues, though in more complicated ways. Classical editing of course addressed itself to that audience which had access to knowledge of the learned languages, public- and grammar-school and university educated, primarily male. Major editorial work was carried on by gentleman scholars and by professional men. The editing of vernacular literary classics in the long eighteenth century shows a still more extensive and dramatic dissemination of reading, and development of professional institutions and practices and communities of scholarship. Shakespeare is the exemplary case: a native text, even by the beginning of the eighteenth century the great representative of a characteristically British literary genius, played with increasing frequency in the theatre, and the central ground of the exercises and battles of an emerging English literary scholarship.
This chapter focuses on the vocational literature produced mainly for and by common lawyers, together with books on or about the law marketed to a lay audience. Criminal biography and accounts of criminal trials almost certainly constituted the largest body of law-related literature circulating in eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century England. Law books were mostly written by lawyers, whose title page identification as such helped establish the authority and credibility of their books. Legal authorship, especially law reporting and treatise writing, was a recognized career option for younger barristers by the end of our period. The eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries saw massive increases in the volume of parliamentary transactions committed to print and major changes in the organization of that printing. While English law was increasingly shaped by parliamentary statute during the same period, the chapter presents a brief sketch of these complex developments.