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This chapter outlines radical publishing in terms of its form, content and economics in the first three decades of the nineteenth century. It focuses on radical publishing activity that shifted the boundaries of the book and print markets. The analysis has foregrounded authors and works which reached large audiences. Yet, it needs to be emphasized that the sheer range of authors who might be categorized as radicals is almost limitless, and takes in many of the leading lights of Romanticism. Radicalism as a publishing phenomenon was wonderfully open, and it is consequently appropriate to end on a note of speculation, rather than closure. The chapter shows how radicalism interacted with three vital growth areas in popular publishing, namely pornography, abolition and women's publishing. It is vital to understand that one explanation of the power and appeal of radical publishing lay in the ways in which it interfaced with a series of related revolutions in popular publishing.
Periodicals of the latter half of the seventeenth century were usually characterized by two traits: first, their authors were generally not professional writers but amateurs who took up their pens for a cause; and, second, when the cause no longer proved of political, religious or social consequence, the periodical was discontinued. Politics and religion generated the most late seventeenth-century periodicals; scholarly and scientific interests prompted the next largest category. Whereas the seventeenth-century periodical had primarily been produced by amateurs, the eighteenth-century periodical was largely written and conducted by what would later be called the 'professional' writer. Samuel Johnson produced biographies and parliamentary reports for the Gentleman's Magazine in the late 1730s, later turning out the twice-weekly essay sheet the Rambler and contributing regular essays to the Adventurer and the Universal Chronicle. The modern magazine had its origin in periodicals comprising materials so various that the early eighteenth century referred to them as 'miscellanies'.
By the early nineteenth century, booksellers and printers had set up business in many of the smaller towns, and Scotland had printing, publishing and paper industries operating on a British scale. This enlarged trade can be viewed against a broader social and economic context. By the mid-1830s, the Scottish trade was complaining about the intense competition that had led to the frequent undercutting of the full retail prices. Yet the controversy was not remotely new. The Edinburgh Booksellers' Society had confronted the problem in 1796 and found one of their number, George Mudie, guilty of a practice 'highly detrimental to the interest of the fair trader'. Mudie gave in, but the problem nevertheless slowly grew. The Edinburgh trade recognized that a unified approach was necessary, and that the active support of London publishers and wholesalers was needed to control underselling. The principles of free trade were about to envelop the British book trade.
Mapping the location of printers, booksellers and allied businesses deepens our understanding of the commercial and cultural orientation of the book trade between the late seventeenth and the mid-nineteenth centuries. As this chapter seeks to demonstrate, the business of publishing and bookselling, characterized by increasing diversity and a steady expansion of production, was closely allied to the transformation of London during this period. With some important exceptions, seventeenth-century London printers continued to congregate in two broad areas of activity, one outside the City focused on Smithfield, and the other stretching broadly southwards from the cathedral to Paul's Wharf and London Bridge. Both old and new London venues sustained the advance of the eighteenth-century book trade. Several ancient sites had supported book-traders, some under the same distinctive trade sign, for generations stretching back before the Civil War, but recent research also reveals the recurrent reuse of many print and book shops by different trades.
The history of the office of the King's Printer in England is a complex one, reflected in the imprints of London Bibles. From 1743, when Cambridge resumed Bible printing, and more particularly from the late 1760s, when the Baskett interest at Oxford had come to an end and Eyre had become King's Printer, there was competition within England among the three privileged printers. From 1743 there was an uninterrupted flow of Bibles and prayer books from Cambridge. This chapter discusses three episodes in the history of Bible printing at Cambridge in the eighteenth century. The Oxford Bible press was the most active of the three privileged printers in England in the eighteenth century, though when members of the Baskett family were concurrently printers to the university and King's Printers there is the possibility that imprints do not reflect the true place of printing. The chapter explains three notable editions bearing Oxford imprints.
The shape of words on a page followed conventions adopted without alteration from those of manuscript books. The study of the changes induced constitutes the morphology of the book, a phrase used by Henri-Jean Martin at a conference in 1977 to describe this process. The last decade of the eighteenth century and first of the nineteenth, a period of prosperity in time of war, were thus a high point in the appearance of books in Britain. It was also a period of great technological change, with the introduction of machine-made paper by the Fourdriniers, Lord Stanhope's iron press and first stereotype office, and finally the steam-powered press of Koenig and Bauer, of which Bensley and Richard Taylor were joint patentees. The increase in the number of newspaper and periodical titles in the last half of the century had been dramatic, and with it the demand for posters, playbills, forms and other jobbing work.
This chapter talks about William Tayler who was to be a key player in the information networks of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Beginning with the imprint of John Pendred's Vade mecum of 1785, it attempts to identify Tayler, look at possible antecedents, describe the scope of his activities, and explain the succession of the enterprise, placing it in a historical context. The earliest evidence so far found connecting Tayler with the Warwick Court address is in the land tax assessments where his name first appears in 1784 and continues there until his retirement in 1813. The authors have seen it given in the imprint and content of Pendred's book in 1785, but several later documents imply, or actually state, that 1786 was the year in which the Warwick Court business was established.
A significant feature of eighteenth-century collecting is the rise of the scholar-collector, a phenomenon that coincides, not surprisingly, with the increasing interest in English genealogy and topography, antiquarianism, and the editing of earlier English literature, especially Shakespeare's works. By the fourth quarter of the eighteenth century, antiquarian book collecting and bookselling had developed into stable, flourishing and mutually supportive interests. Indeed, the bookseller's business was largely supported by collectors, most of whom were clergymen, antiquaries and scholars, often with a particular fondness for Shakespeare. Between 1695 and 1835, the collecting of antiquarian books and manuscripts moved from the country estate to the scholar's study, then returned from the study to the country estate or elegant town house. In the earlier period, many of the collections ended up in institutions; in the middle and later periods, many, but not all, went back to the auction rooms or booksellers' shops.
The late start of printing in Ireland, in 1551, is an indication of the relative isolation and backwardness of its economy. Printing was introduced to the country as an instrument of government policy to promote its secular aim of securing power and religious objective of promoting the reformed religion. The potential growth of the book trade was hampered by the highly exclusive nature of the powers granted in the patents of the successive King's Printers. A real sign of the development of the trade came with the establishment of the Guild of St Luke in Dublin in 1670. An anguished notice by the journeymen printers in Dublin in 1825, intended to deter potential apprentices, stated that the art of printing in Ireland had been rapidly decaying under the withering influence of English monopoly. The 1830s and 1840s were to see the stirrings of independent Irish publishing feeding a growing appetite for nationalist literature.
Paper remained one of the most expensive ingredients of book production during the eighteenth century, which ends when they were just beginning to recoup their investment in industrialization and when their customers in the book trade were just beginning to notice its effects. To give credit where it is due, the paper manufacturers' accomplishments should be viewed not so much as triumphs of technology, but as daring speculations, requiring financial acumen and managerial skills as well as mechanical ingenuity. Like the friends of Henry Fourdrinier, this chapter traces the development of the papermaking machine. It concentrates on the business conditions that made this invention possible, especially the robust growth and rising profitability of the paper trade during the eighteenth century. The Victorians would later lose their faith in the Industrial Revolution, but in 1837 they were enthralled with inventions like the Fourdrinier, which was finally producing significant savings in the book trade, after consuming an enormous investment in the paper trade.
This chapter describes the various purposes for which books were exported from Britain, the scale of that export trade, and the emergence of an embryonic infrastructure for book selling and distribution within India. Apart from the end products of the printing trade, Britain was also the essential source of manpower and materials for the fledgling book trade in India. Trained personnel began to reach India in the late eighteenth century specifically to man the presses of the expanding expatriate printing market in Calcutta, Madras and Bombay. By the end of the eighteenth century, the professional elite of British society in India possessed private libraries of considerable size. The commercial importation of British books into India began with the captains and officers of East India men who were allowed to ship out freight-free a certain weight of speculative cargo according to rank.
Female authorship and female readership burgeoned during the long eighteenth century, and some women were also active in the book trade itself. Despite the rehearsal of woes and problems, the century ended with women active in some new book-trade trends: in new ways of illustrating and binding, and in content-related developments. Circulating libraries, which enjoyed their heyday between 1790 and 1820, did cater effectively if not exclusively for female clients, and were a major outlet for women's works. Women practised in most of the new or newly dominant genres: the novel first and foremost, but also children's literature, the national tale, the album and gift book, colonialist travel writing, the major literary series or collection, reviewing, popular science and many more. The question of what difference they made to the book trade might be answered cynically, but the question as to what difference they made to literature is only just being addressed by literary historians.