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The use of prints to illustrate books was one branch of a wide-ranging business in the production of printed pictures. Away from the context of books, prints are usually thought of as decorative objects, but in the eighteenth century many were made for practical use. Throughout the long eighteenth century, specialists in printed pictures controlled their trade. Booksellers never dominated the business of printed pictures, although their interests frequently overlapped with those of printsellers. Booksellers occasionally published prints and London booksellers frequently helped with the distribution of prints, especially with expensive sets where a wide sale was needed to recover costs. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, most fine prints and books of prints were imported from abroad, chiefly from France and Italy. Large numbers of imported prints were advertised in the newspapers after the cessation of hostilities with France around 1711, and huge quantities of foreign prints continued to flood the British market for many years.
The House of Longman, founded in 1724, which survived for 270 years, through seven generations, might well have come to an early end in 1755 with the death of its founder, Thomas Longman (1699-1755). The word 'conger', describing the group participating in the sale, was familiar to both Thomas I and Thomas II, although its meaning changed over the course of the eighteenth century, as did the words 'publisher' and 'publishing'. The history of serial publications, particularly in the eighteenth century, could never be completely separated from the history of books. Thomas I and his nephew preferred building up a substantial home trade, wholesaling books as well as retailing them, and developing a foreign trade to making bold innovations and diversifying their business, as some other booksellers, notably the Newberys, chose to do. The expanding Longman home trade rested on a network of contacts, some of them expressed in imprints that were not always consistently framed.
Beginning in the late 1530s, Europe experienced an explosion of business newspapers, but time has muffled the report. Before the end of the sixteenth century, commercial and financial newspapers were being published in more than half a dozen cities. At the turn of the eighteenth century, there were four basic types of commercial and financial newspaper published at London during the business week: the bills of entry; the commodity price current; the marine list; and the exchange rate current. This chapter sketches the history of each of them. These newspapers served a growing clientele that was anxious for the latest news, the 'freshest advices', about every aspect of the business world. They found paying customers for the news they printed both at home and abroad. They flourished and developed. Their success highlights how very important they were to the economy of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Great Britain.
The dissemination history of music is shaped by a fundamental difference in comparison with the regular book trade, its authors and readers. Accurate quantification of the output of printed music during our period is impossible at present owing to inadequate bibliographical control, but one can be sure that whatever the level of supply, copies could be purchased only by persons with sufficient funds. Imprints, newspaper advertisements and publishers' catalogues were used by Humphries and Smith to augment the work of previous scholars and produce the standard list of music printers, publishers and engravers. The unique contribution of dissemination history lies in explaining what happens at the intersection of individuals, the copies of texts and the environments in which those copies are made and used. Understanding the complexities of these intersections requires gathering data not only on texts and those who issued them, but also on the individual buyers and users of those texts.
Scientific and medical texts represented a small percentage of all titles published in eighteenth-century Britain. Yet, this literature contributed greatly to both the progress of the Enlightenment and the establishment of natural knowledge in British culture. The commercial histories of scientific and medical books share some common characteristics, but their cultural roles tended to be quite different. More often than not, medical books were written by medical practitioners and read by students preparing for medical careers. In contrast, writers of scientific books often earned their livings in occupations that typically had no direct relationship to the subject of their work, while their readers generally did no. anticipate using the knowledge gained from their study to earn money. At the high end of the market for scientific and medical works were those books published in large format with multiple illustrations.
The provincial newspaper trade was an entirely new development in the eighteenth century, enabled by the lapse of the Printing Acts in 1695. The London printing trade had made a good recovery after the Great Fire and plague in the 1660s and the capital was overcrowded with printers by the end of the century. Newspapers were a natural source of information for the book-buying public, but they were always part of a larger book-marketing strategy and it is useful to remember that the booksellers continued to attract their country readers' attention in other ways. The brief local news sections, the way other news was edited, and especially the advertising in provincial newspapers, were adjusted to local developments and interests. The successful weekly local paper became a distinctive part of the rhythm of country life, in a cycle of publication, delivery and reading that was repeated on a more intimate scale with informally shared subscriptions.
This chapter focuses on the more standard types of binding and the more ephemeral protection offered to text blocks within the book trade. Within the decade of the 1760s, a number of significant changes took place that took the trade in two different directions. At the lower level, the introduction of both case binding and the use of linen canvas as a covering material set precedents not fully realized until the end of the period. At the upper level, there was a distinct movement towards greater precision of work in both forwarding and finishing, a development that was recognized by the master binder James Fraser in 1781. This decade saw also the reintroduction at the upper levels of the trade of sewing on recessed supports. The sewing structures of books bound in boards used either raised or recessed supports.
Serial publication was the engine that drove the generalized expansion of print through London and the nation during the long eighteenth century. This chapter offers a short sequence of temporal snapshots within which some of the variables in the history of the newspaper during this long period can be indicated. The years chosen, 1720, 1775 and 1830, simply offer an evenly spaced sequence from which it is possible to take stock of the changes that crystallized around them. This is a supply-side view with the emphasis placed on the newspaper as a part of the output of the general trade in print. The year 1830 was pivotal in the history of the London newspapers. Change had begun, but the elements that linked the publications of 1720, 1775 and 1830 were probably stronger than the differences. In organisation, scale of production and character of content and readership, the main London newspapers stood in a recognizable evolutionary relationship to each other.
The career of Richard Francklin, c.1696-1765, bookseller, publisher and printer, spanned a crucial period in the history of the eighteenth-century book. Examining Francklin's mix of business activities, this chapter considers Francklin's career as a representative example of early to mid-Georgian stationers. The alliance of the author to his or her stationer was one of the more important associations in the eighteenth-century literary world. The almost feudal or patronal attachment that an author like Swift demonstrated towards someone like Benjamin Tooke or George Faulkner, and the personal betrayal Swift felt from Benjamin Motte II, suggest the intensity of feelings which author-publisher relations inspired. Much of Francklin's work, especially on books from the first years of his business, 1718-26, was collaborative, with risks and profits shared among several stationers; multivolume large works were almost always undertaken in such coalitions.
To understand the dynamics of the reprint trade, this chapter first considers the issue of copyright and to review how booksellers in Ireland and Scotland took advantage of their distance from London to reprint the titles they wanted. Next, it discusses the cogent economic analysis put forward by members of the trade desperate for clarification of the often murky distinction between piracy and legitimate reprinting. The economic arguments of Home and Foulis were borne out by events in the second half of the long eighteenth century. An earlier mode of bookselling faded away as the accelerating commodification of print gave rise to modern publishing. This change coincided with the conceptual shift described by Trevor Ross: property, once viewed as an 'object of ownership and right', came to be regarded as the 'subject of production and exchange', its worth acquired through 'circulation within a dynamic market economy'.
Of all the new markets for print that emerged between 1695 and 1833, the one for young readers was arguably among the most important to Great Britain's polite, commercial society. This chapter shows that during this period the proliferation of printed materials for children cannot be understood without analysing their production and reception. The survey of the children's books market in the early eighteenth century, though not definitive, does deflate the romantic notion that the appearance of John Newbery's Pretty little pocket-book in the early 1740s forever changed the history of children's reading. The Longman ledgers for the end of the period between 1695 and 1833 show that school-books such as those by Fenning and Lindley Murray continued to dominate children's book production, with the steady-selling titles reprinted as often as every few years in relatively large editions.
The bulk of the map-seller's trade in Britain in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was concerned with the production of atlases, maps and charts of other countries and seas. On the home front, aside from urban mapping, estate surveys, and thematic mapping such as Milne's land-use map of the capital, A plan of the cities of London and Westminster (1800), it is arguable that the four most important genres of domestic map-publishing at this time were county maps, county atlases, road books and maps, and hydrographic charting. Original surveys for roads and county maps were rarely undertaken in the late seventeenth century. The years following the Restoration were marked by unsuccessful projects to produce new maps of the English counties. By 1830, private investment and enterprise in carrying out original survey work had resulted in the whole of England, and most of Scotland and Ireland, being covered in published mapping at the one-inch scale.
This chapter explores British book trade index (BBTI)'s evidence for the systematic study of the English provincial book trade. In attempting to identify the scale of book-trade activity in the provinces between 1700 and 1850, BBTI records have been used to create a series of comparative 'snapshots' at twenty-five-year intervals for twenty-eight selected English provincial towns. This chapter shows the ratio of printers per thousand population in Bristol and Liverpool, and the development of printing in two medium-sized East Midlands market towns, namely, Leicester and Nottingham. Clearly, in order to understand the apparent surge in printing activity in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, one needs to delve beneath the broad term 'printer' to discover what exactly the traders so described were doing. Valuable evidence for the day-to-day work of the 'jobbing' printer has been presented by John Feather who cites, for example, the specialist box printer John Varden and the printer Cheney in Banbury in 1790.
Three names dominate the trade in philosophy books in the period 1695-1830: John Locke, David Hume and Dugald Stewart. Locke, Berkeley and Hume have, of course, earned the respect and attention of academic philosophers and general readers for well over two centuries now. As professor of moral philosophy at the University of Edinburgh from 1785 to his retirement in 1810, Hume had a great effect on a generation of students that spread from Edinburgh to the Continent and North America and, hence, had a profound effect on the Scottish Enlightenment. His first book, published in 1792, Elements of the philosophy of the human mind, formed part of a three-volume set; a second volume appeared in 1814, and a third in 1827. Some may rightly believe that Stewart's influence adversely affected Britain's nineteenth-century philosophers, who, with the exception of John Stuart Mill, did not shine as luminously as those from the eighteenth century.
The period from 1695 to 1830, from the lapse of the Licensing Act to the eve of the Reform Bill, thus saw major transformations in the legal culture within which the book trade operated. When the guild system was supplanted by the Statute of Anne, however, the great booksellers managed to maintain control of their valuable old copyrights for the better part of a century until in 1774 the House of Lords declared copyright to be limited in term. Instead of basing the term of copyright protection solely on publication, the Act related it to the author's life by providing protection for twenty-eight years or the life of the author, whichever was longer. This marked a major conceptual evolution in copyright. The lapse of the Licensing Act ended pre-publication censorship and radically changed the power of the state to regulate the press, but it did not totally end regulation.