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In London by the middle of the sixteenth century, the structure of labour in the book trades already had a long history. There is good evidence that in one form or another a mystery of stationers responsible for the commercial production of manuscripts had been formally constituted as a brotherhood by 1403. It is worth stressing that the labour records of the printing and bookselling trades from the mid-sixteenth to the end of the eighteenth century probably represent the fullest account by far of any workforce in early modern England. A book printed for the author might run to 100 copies, probably the minimum for which it was worth going to a printer as distinct from a scribe. The effects of the Licensing Acts are only partly reflected in the imprimaturs and entries in the Stationersʾ Register. Only fifty-two books bear some form of licence.
The patent granted to William Byrd and Thomas Tallis in 1575 to print both music books, except Psalm books, and ruled music paper draws attention to the close relationship between printed and manuscript production of music books. When printed and manuscript books for the period are considered together it becomes clear that their history is intertwined and that, for both categories, contents, layout and method of production were determined by the social contexts of their composition and their audience. Music writing with any speed and accuracy was a skill which took practice to acquire. The work of the London clergyman, Thomas Myriell, dating from the early seventeenth century, contains examples of presentation and working manuscripts. Music in Scotland, as also in smaller centres throughout Britain, was largely dependent on London for the supply of printed music books. By the end of the seventeenth century London was still the centre of music publishing.
Works designed and priced for a broad public which included but was not exclusively composed of the poorer and less well-educated and works printed for the education of the young were produced in very large numbers during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The basic printed aids to literacy included the hornbook, the ABC with the catechism, and the primer; typical ABCs included the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Ten Commandments. Some school books were part of the privileged monopoly of the universities of Oxford and Cambridge, which themselves often granted rights of publication to the Company in return for money payments. During the seventeenth century, almanacs were published for distinctive occupational groups, first mariners and seafarers, later lawyers, clergy, farriers, chapmen and constables. Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century ballads had a far wider range of references than chapbooks. Tessa Watt has provided a survey of all forms of cheap print in relation to popular piety for the period 1550 to 1640.
Samuel Hartlib role was as an 'instrument' to render it public, and thereby of benefit to all. Technologia, the disposition of the arts and sciences in general, was the information science of the first half of the seventeenth century, the study of knowledge systems in the context of how we know what we know, and how we convey it to others. Hartlib described the technology thus: 'Hee aimes by it to gather All the Authors, their Notions or Axiomes and their whole discurses. It explains why Hartlib's London itineraries took him to the instrument makers of the city, the Deptford dockyards, the Rotherhithe 'glass-house', or the Kiiffler dye-works. Harold Love has already examined the nature and significance of scribal networks and scribal publication, describing Hartlib as one of the 'too few writers [who] published extensively in both media. It explained his interest in recipes for ink, new ways of blotting paper and new writing pens.
The existence of independent ?fondeurs de lettres? is recorded in Lyon in the first half of the sixteenth century. In the second half, there were several substantial independent foundries, among them that of François Guyot at Antwerp, Hendrik van den Keere's at Ghent, the Egenolff business at Frankfurt, managed by Jacob Sabon, and the Parisian foundry of three successive Guillaume Le Bés, that had grown to become substantial businesses, with several employees and a stock of matrices for use or sale, dependent on a nuclear collection of punches. Engraving letters on the tip of a narrow cylinder of steel required special tools and the skill to render letters, singly or compound, with a family resemblance to each other, usually in a small size. Originally based on handwriting, printing types came to develop their own characteristics, conventions for roman and italic and the different kinds of black letter, commonly used.
In 1576 the actor James Burbage constructed the first purpose built public theatre in Europe, which was called simply 'The Theatre'. Over the next fifty years and more, what followed was the emergence of two histories, one of material objects and the marketplace, and the other of an eruption and opening in human consciousness manifested in and provoked by the drama that Shakespeare and his contemporaries wrote for the stage. In the late Elizabethan period, the arrival of the recognizably modern literary author, and the beginnings of the formation of the English literary canon, is seen. One of the major transformations of the upper crust of European society was more or less completed in England even before Queen Elizabeth was born. The literary canon was becoming accessible to the many rather than just the few, and the fecundity and riotousness of the public stage threatened to overturn fundamental rules of sexual decency, law and order, and artistic decorum.
The only English-language version of the Bible published in Mary's reign was a New Testament in octavo printed in Geneva in 1557 by Protestant exiles. The King's Printer's privilege in the Authorized Version was (and remains) qualified: by virtue of royal charters granted to them separately the universities of Oxford and Cambridge could also claim the right to print it and thereby to share in the considerable profits that might be made from it. When royal authority collapsed in the early 1640s the Bible privilege ceased to be of value. The shortage was met in part by unauthorized editions imported from Holland. The Book of Common Prayer was treated in the same way in the printing house in being equipped with press figures and paper-quality marks when necessary. It differed, however, from the Bible in not apparently being pirated. The revisions were accommodated by setting the whole text anew, producing cancels, ranging from paste-over slips to whole gatherings.
Protestantism played its part in the growth of the market for Scots printed vernacular texts. In law Protestantism replaced Roman Catholicism, and the Scottish abbeys were gradually dissolved. At the end of the seventeenth century the most successful Scottish book trade dynasty was that founded by George Anderson, who seems to have started printing in Edinburgh in 1637. The emphasis of book historians on the development of printing has tended to obscure the fact that bookselling, rather than book production, was the motive force in the expansion of the trade in Scotland, where the small domestic press was unable to satisfy the demand for books. Scotland has been well served by studies of Renaissance libraries, though the concentration has been largely on collections in Edinburgh or with Edinburgh associations. The Advocates' Library, created in Edinburgh in 1682, marks the high point of seventeenth-century Scottish collecting.
This (highly selective) survey of the various kinds of travel writing circulating in both manuscript and print between 1557 and 1695 begins with the development of mid-sixteenth-century domestic travel writing as an offshoot of the growing antiquarian fascination with the history (as opposed to the legends) of the British Isles. William Petty, the Physician General of the British troops in Ireland, completed the first scientific map survey ofIreland, called the 'Down survey' not for the use of travellers but primarily for the carving up of the land among Cromwell's supporters. Fetherstone reprinted much of Hakluyt's material, along with more recent Virginia and East India voyages, enabling Purchas to lend his support to the now well established English colonialist activities in the New World and India. When considering narratives of individual voyages, it is also important to note that several (sometimes conflicting) accounts of the same voyage might well be circulated, sometimes simultaneously, in both manuscript and print.
The study of the printed page as expressive form is a relatively recent development. This chapter provides a list of case studies, which demonstrates how the details of physical form, from whole book to individual page, resonate with larger social, intellectual and political issues. Some of the case studies described in the chapter include rhetoric of paratext in early printed books, typography of Thomas Hobbes's Leviathan and the Polyglot Bible. All aspects of the text's physical form are capable of constituting meaning. The arrangement of illustration and text on the page has particularly engaged the attention of scholars of emblem books. The meaning of the early modern text inheres in its typographic expression, the layout of the page and the choice of type, which can be examined not only for its embodiment of textual structure and content but also for its embodiment of orality.
This chapter deals with the dissenting non-conformist books and voices in England during two specific time periods: between 1558 and 1625, and between 1625 and 1660. The non-conformists made specific and extensive use of the printed book: their identity and activities were partly defined by it. When printing and non-conformity are placed together, two phenomena stand out: the Marprelate tracts in 1589 and the great success of the Quakers in using the printed book to proselytize in the second half of the seventeenth century. Protestant dissent was finally excluded from established institutions by the restoration of the Church of England in 1660 and the ejection in 1662 of all ministers who refused to accept the established Church. Restoration dissenters were subject to a good deal of violent persecution. Most Churches consolidated themselves with institutional reviews, while the Quakers, remarkably, subjected themselves to a series of organizational regulations.
Many structural features of the early modern economy governed the working practices of the book trade. Diversity and interconnectedness marked the broader economic structure of publication and bookselling, of capitalization, productive capacity, of supplies of paper and other materials, of demand, of distribution and of trade regulation. The structure of the British book trades changed rapidly from about 1550 to 1650. The balance between different traders and craftsmen shifted as wholesale businesses with onward-selling networks expanded in the late sixteenth century and even more markedly during the seventeenth century. For the majority of metropolitan booksellers, the sales of open market publications became the basis for survival. Cambridge and Oxford were amongst the most prominent, but York, Norwich, Exeter and Bristol, as well as Ipswich, Newcastle and several other towns are identified as established book-trading centres by the beginning of the seventeenth century.
Many books published throughout the period are concerned with daily life. Books on household work and husbandry were often small format and appear to have been cheaply produced; more carefully printed were those relating to personal behaviour. This chapter deals with the books produced in England covering the subject areas of household, husbandry and behavior, during two time periods: 1557-1640 and 1640-1695. The content of books referring to daily life (work inside the house and work outside the house) remains fairly constant but their publishing history is marked by a gap of nearly all new work in English between 1617 and 1650. Books relating to personal behaviour and family relationships have a continuous publishing history. While ordinary people needed books to help them pick up a trade or skill, the urban gentry needed books in order to find out what things were necessary for appropriate behaviour and display of position.
Religious books, in conventional terms, are found to have been the single most important component of the publishing trade. In England, apart from oral communication, there was a mass of both polemical and devotional material which, if published, was published scribally, surviving only in manuscript. Some of the most active preachers of the age never appeared in print, or never in their lifetimes. A large part of the story of indoctrination concerns English Bibles, and there is no better case study of the interaction of public and private interest, commerce and edification, than the English Bible. Many of the Catholic books of the devotional writers included prefaces addressed to the impartial Christian reader, and not just to the Catholics. The use of a commonplace book was typical of university-trained readers, but Nicholas Byfield's Directions for the private reading of the Scriptures, first published in 1617 or 1618, was an attempt to make the practice more widespread among lay Bible readers.