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The Latin trade was a specialized trade, governed by national and trade regulations, with its own specialized personnel. This chapter discusses the details of the later regulation of the trade, and of such censorship as existed. On the evidence it is not possible to concur, at least as regards the last twenty years of the sixteenth century, with Graham Pollard's dictum, quoted at the beginning of the chapter, that the Latin trade was in the hands of aliens who were Brothers of the Stationers' Company. The period of the Civil Wars, Commonwealth and early Restoration is one of the most poorly documented in the history of the Latin trade. But the most important practitioners of the Latin trade were, by 1695, Samuel Buckley and Samuel Smith.
The historians of seventeenth-century book culture in the British colonies have traditionally focused on the advent of printing and on the private libraries of a few distinguished bookmen: the Winthrops, the Mathers, Elder Brewster, John Harvard, Isaac Norris and William Byrd, among others. The low incidence of American imprints in colonial inventories is noteworthy and probably reflects both their negligible value and the limited purposes for which they were printed. European printing occupied the commercial sector of the market; colonial printing was subsidized, official and of small commercial value. Before the establishment of printing in Boston, in 1675, the distribution of native printing was virtually monopolized by Hezekiah Usher and his son John, general merchants who incidentally dealt in books and stationery. The Ushers were certainly selling British books before 1675, on exactly the same lines as English provincial booksellers.
This chapter addresses the questions such as what this dramatic transformation owed to the contemporary culture of the book, and what, if any, consequences it held for that culture. How demanding was revealed in their different ways by four enterprises that exploited the world of print to the full: natural history, medicine, magic and the mathematical sciences. The title ofthe work was decided by his first plan, Newton conceding to it in order to protect Halley's investment; but its very existence was conditional on the second. In Halley's London, authorship even of what is arguably the greatest work in the history of science was compromised by the very measures deemed necessary to protect and legitimate it. A different approach was that of the third institution to show success: the Royal Society. Realizing the futility of attempting isolation, the Society engaged closely with the London book trade. Its fortunes are discussed later in this chapter.
Feminist literary historians have in recent years turned their attention to the early modern period for tracking the emergence of women writers into print and positing a burgeoning market in female literature. An enquiry of this kind must look to the relationship between the terms woman and writer, and consider woman as subject-matter for and in print. Using the history of the book as the frame work for discussion situates both women as writers and women as written in the context of the operations of the book trade. It allows women writers to be seen in relation to the intermediaries between writing and print (transcriber, amanuensis, editor, printer, bookseller) and in relation to a growing market for books about women. It takes into account the role of women in the material production of print (as printers, publisher/booksellers, binders, mercuries, hawkers); and bringing into view the evidence for women as consumers of print (buying, owning and reading books).
From an international perspective, the slow and problematic development of the book trade in the British Isles during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries had serious consequences. Due to the relatively high prices of books produced in Britain the export of scholarly and scientific books to the European Continent was minimal. The high prices of British books had a damaging effect. The growing interest on the Continent in British authors, particularly theological and scientific writers, encouraged foreign printers to reap the benefits of publication themselves, either by pirating these texts or having them translated into other languages. In spite of its negative connotations, book piracy, a common phenomenon in the European book trade, served as a useful corrective of poor distribution and excessive prices. The location and denomination of the Continental printing presses producing English religious texts depended on the changing religious and political situations in Britain and on the Continent.
In early modern England, the experience of the oral text was rarely free from some sense of its involvement with the other media. From time to time, scribal transcriptions of printed materials are encountered, which may even record the publication details of the exemplar or attempt a facsimile of the title page. Much of the poetry of the period was composed as scripts for recitation rather than for silent reading. Intermediate between the oral and the printed text lies the domain of the handwritten text. This chapter indicates that in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a new composition might be circulated in any one of oral, written or printed form, or in any two or all three of these. The most characteristic forms of the manuscript book: the personal miscellany, the scribal anthology and the collection of materials, were a uniting of smaller units. Even within the medium of script there were varying decorums and varying levels of freedom.
A commercial trade in Welsh books required a certain level of literacy in Welsh. Between 1540 and 1642 some 2,200 Welsh students were registered at Oxford and Cambridge, well over four-fifths of them at Oxford. The sense of crisis was intensified by the rapid decline of the bardic order, the traditional custodian of the Welsh language and traditions. Despite the poverty, underdevelopment, and relative isolation of Wales, Welsh was the only Celtic language to respond positively to the challenge of print, roughly two hundred Welsh-language titles appearing during the first century and a half of Welsh-language printing. The main difference between Wales and the other Celtic-speaking areas was that Welsh became the language of public worship. As literacy in Welsh became more widespread, monoglot Welsh-speakers made ever-increasing use of the printed word, a development which culminated in the flourishing vernacular press of the mid-nineteenth century.
The increase in book production and growing demand spurred the binders on. Sewing on single thongs and on single cords took less time than the more elaborate sewing structures that were the norm for medieval bindings. Economies, such as the use of fewer sewing supports, sewing more than one section at a time and sewing on recessed or sawn-in supports, emerge and become widely used towards the end of the sixteenth and early in the seventeenth century. Tooling in blind, either with rolls, fillets, small hand tools or with larger corner and centre blocks carried on throughout the seventeenth century and well into the eighteenth. Pronounced corner and centre blocks were used to produce heavier designs found both on plainer and on more luxurious bindings. Textiles and embroidery played an important role in the covering and decoration of books during the Tudor and Stuart periods.
The immediate context of the Press Act was the wide-ranging legislative programme undertaken during the first session of the Cavalier Parliament from 8 May 1661 to 19 May 1662, a programme which a recent historian of that Parliament has characterized as 'the reconstruction of the old regime'. The three main concerns of the Act were with what may be called licensing, trade restrictions, and printing rights, which together represent the interests of the government and the Stationers' Company. The licensing provisions of the Printing Act were complex in practice, but simple in principle. There were long lists of specified licensers for various categories of books and elaborate rules on the number of manuscripts to be submitted. The Stationers' 'monopoly' was in fact the thing which most troubled opponents of the Act, though they were concerned, not so much with the Company's near-monopoly control over the working members of the trade.
During the Restoration period, the poetry and drama of 'the last age', as it was now called, was selectively reprinted, and the canon of English literature was refashioned, both through the reprinting of works and, negatively, through serious acts of oblivion. Two booksellers were particularly significant in shaping the canon of earlier poetry and drama during the Restoration period: Henry Herringman and Jacob Tonson. This chapter presents specific examples of how the canons of individual poets were shaped, and begins with Tonson's associate, Dryden. The trio of Shakespeare, Jonson and Fletcher was quickly established in Restoration criticism as representing the principal achievement of the pre-war drama. During the 1650s, one of the most innovative publishers of plays had been Humphrey Moseley, who had seen a market for editions of the drama at a time when the playswere no longer being staged. The chapter concludes with an instance that proves that all canon formation is to some degree politically inflected.
The founders of the new presses at Oxford and Cambridge in the 1580s were native Englishmen: Thomas Thomas and Joseph Barnes. The advent of Archbishop Laud at Oxford was therefore important in an institutional way. The Laudian press was to be funded from money received from students on entering the university, and on taking their degrees - the same fund that was to pay for building and maintaining the Schools quadrangle. The distinction between university and private enterprise had been defined in a material way when in 1619 the University of Oxford accepted the Greek type presented by Sir Henry Savile. Between 1655 and the 1690s, only two men were active printers in Cambridge: John Field and John Hayes. For the latter part of the seventeenth century, the name of John Fell, Dean of Christ Church, has become synonymous with learned printing at Oxford. The two university presses faced the challenges posed by the London printers.
D. F. McKenzie was the motive force behind this whole seven-volume project, and his was the informing mind in mapping out the shape of volume IV. He had seen and commented upon all but four of the chapters in this volume, in some cases proposing substantial revisions, most of which had been completed before his sudden and unexpected death in March 1999. Had he lived to read through the typescript once every chapter had been put together, he would undoubtedly have proposed further changes, corrections, revisions and improvements. He would also have co-operated in the writing of the Introduction. In all these ways this volume is the poorer: nevertheless, this volume stands, like the other projects he was involved with at his death, either on his own or in co-operation with others, as a testimony to the breadth of his vision as a scholar and to his ability to inspire those he taught and those with whom he worked.
Many of the points made in Lotte Hellinga's and J. B. Trapp's Preface to the preceding volume in this history about the scholarly and archival sources available to the book historian apply to this period. The Short-Title Catalogue (STC) and Wing's Catalogue (Wing) together give a degree of bibliographical control unique to printed books in English or manufactured in Britain.