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42477 results in Collections

Page 1829 of 2124

  • (a) - The rise of the Mamluks

  • from 19 - Islam and the Mediterranean
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 607-621

  • Summary

    During Saladin's lifetime, his empire had been run as a family business, with his kinsmen controlling large, semi-independent principalities, only loosely responsive to the sultan's authority. After Saladin's death those kinsmen, based in Cairo, Damascus and Aleppo, fought amongst themselves for supremacy in Egypt and Syria. They were supported in their struggles by small armies composed of freeborn Kurds and Turks, as well as Turkish Mamluks. Under the Ayyubids, and, later, the Mamluks, the mutqa collected his pay himself in the form of taxes, levied usually in kind on a designated village or agricultural estate. As-Salih Ayyub's Mamluk regiment was garrisoned in a fortress on an island in the river Nile and for this reason they were known as the Bahri Salihi Mamluks. The Christians in the south declared their neutrality in the imminent conflict between the Mongols and the Mamluks.

  • 6 - The Albigensian Crusade and heresy

  • from Part II - The Church in the Thirteenth Century
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 164-181

  • Summary

    When Raymond learned of Peter of Castelnau's murder, Innocent launched a crusade against Toulouse, offering participants the same indulgence as those who went to the Holy Land. Although this war became known as the Albigensian Crusade, because Albi had been the first centre of Catharism in southern France, it was not designed to deal directly with heresy. Raymond of Toulouse had meanwhile sought a reconciliation with the pope, and undertook to carry out Innocent's wishes and to make reparations to the Church. The independence of Toulouse jeopardised the work of the crusade, for Cathar perfecti and faidit knights from the Trencavel lands sought asylum there and waited for a favourable opportunity to return to their homes. The Cathars were at first resilient in the face of persecution. After the Peace of Paris, the perfecti had resumed lay dress and their communities had dispersed.

  • (a) - The central European kingdoms

  • from 24 - Eastern Europe
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 754-778

  • Summary

    Among the Pannonians, three brothers, namely Lech, Rus and Czech, were born to Pan, prince of the Pannonians. These three held the three kingdoms of the Lechites, Russians and Czechs. The kingdom of Bohemia was girt by the Erzebirge mountains to the northwest and the Bohemian Forest in the south-west, while in the south-east the White Carpathians separated the dependent mark of Moravia from Slovakia. The thirteenth century brought a second and consolidatory round of 'westernisation' to central Europe. The greatest impact on Hungary and on central Europe as a whole was made by the Tatar invasions. While the western and southern Polish dukes concentrated their attentions primarily on relations with Bohemia and Hungary, the Mazovian Piasts stood further aloof from western alliances. Political developments in central Europe were attended by religious and economic changes which transformed the central kingdoms from passive recipients of alien culture into active members of Latin Christendom and propagators of her values.

  • (b) - Flanders

  • from 14 - Germany and Flanders
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 405-416

  • Summary

    Under Count Philip of Alsace, Flanders had become one of the mightiest and most progressive principalities of western Europe. In 1191, the power relations between Flanders and France had been reversed: the king now constantly undermined the counts' power. The highest governmental organ, the count's curia, showed a clear tendency towards professionalisation. Since the first half of the eleventh century, the county of Flanders had been subdivided into castellanies, chatellenies, districts under the control of the viscounts residing in a central borough. The Flemish nobility was primarily determined by birth; free status, vassalage, the ownership of allodia and the possession of seigneurial rights were further but not essential characteristics. The continuous population growth increased pressure on the land as a response to the high demand for agrarian products. The intensive use of the land is only one aspect of the highly developed Flemish economy. After northern Italy, Flanders was the earliest and most densely urbanised area of medieval Europe.

  • (b) - Sardinia and Corsica from the mid-twelfth to the early fourteenth century

  • from 15 - Northern Italy
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 447-457

  • Summary

    Around the middle of the twelfth century Sardinia was still divided into four small kingdoms, also known as judgeships. In 1187 the marquis of Massa, Guglielmo, burst on the scene in Sardinia; he was the head of one of the four branches of the Obertenghi clan and was supported by the commune of Pisa. Corsica, unlike Sardinia, had maintained since the Lombard and Carolingian eras fairly close and constant contact with the Ligurian and Tyrrhenian cities. The reconstruction of the social and economic evolution of Sardinia in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries is difficult, in view of the scarcity of sources. Immediately after the middle of the thirteenth century major events took place in Sardinia. The judge of Cagliari, Chiano di Massa, hoping to extract himself from Pisan control, came to an agreement with Genoa, bringing his lands within the Genoese sphere.

  • 9 - The religious Orders

  • from Part II - The Church in the Thirteenth Century
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 220-255

  • Summary

    Around 1230, one of the greatest figures of the Reformation, the bishop of Acre, Jacques de Vitry, taking stock of the changes that had occurred to Christianity throughout the preceding decades, made the following observation: 'Three types of religious life already existed: the hermits, the monks and the canons. Towards the end of this period was added a fourth institution, the beauty of a new religious Order and the sanctity of a new Rule. The difficulties of the great monastic and canonical institutions should not overshadow the appearance of new, often successful, forms of religious life, with ambitions that were both more precise and more concrete. In 1252, the University of Paris therefore declared that no member of a religious Order could subsequently hold a Chair. During the thirteenth century, the religious influence of the Mendicant Orders was felt above all in the cities.

  • 20 - The rise of Aragon-Catalonia

  • from Part V - The Mediterranean Frontiers
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 644-667

  • Summary

    The rise of Aragon' is a term that hides a great deal: in the thirteenth century it was not so much the highland kingdom of Aragon, from which they drew their royal title, as the seaboard county of Barcelona. By the start of the thirteenth century certain broad features can be assigned to Catalonia-Aragon. Under James I, the power and in many respects the character of the monarchy was transformed. His own birth was widely viewed as a miracle, not least because of the cordial loathing of Peter II for Maria of Montpellier, but the true miracle was the survival of Peter's bloodline. In 1233 James, newly victorious in the Balearics, was able to redeem his earlier failure at Peniscola, and to capture Burriana, from which the Muslim population was cleared. Louis IX was another of James I's neighbours, and it is now time to turn to Aragonese relations with the French monarchy and with the rulers of the Pyrenees.

  • (a) - The thirteenth-century crusades in the Mediterranean

  • from 18 - The crusades
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 569-589

  • Summary

    In thirteenth century, crusading in the east was shaped by some principal factors. In the winter of 1200-01 the crusade's leaders sent six envoys to Italy, including the expedition's future historian, Geoffrey de Villehardouin. They were to negotiate terms for the army's transport to the east with the Italian maritime cities. In 1213, less than a decade after the failure of Fourth crusade, Innocent III issued the bull Quia maior, a call for a new expedition to the east. In the previous year thousands of German and French adolescents had attempted to go to the assistance of the Holy Land by marching to Mediterranean ports, at which they hoped that shipping would be provided. By September 1218 it was clear that the crusading army would have to remain in the field for some time. Fresh troops, mainly fro.

  • 7 - The Church and the laity

  • from Part II - The Church in the Thirteenth Century
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 182-203

  • Summary

    There was an enormous effort to make the religious beliefs and practices of the faithful conform more to the demands of Christianity, as Christianity was defined by the Catholic Church. The Church first made an effort to reinforce the prestige of the ordinary priests, who, especially in the countryside, were barely distinguishable from the ordinary faithful, either because of their way of life or even because of their religious knowledge. In the twelfth century, it was accepted that, under certain conditions, the laity and even women could speak in public about religious questions or matters related to the life of the Church. In the thirteenth century, the Church made a great effort to educate the faithful in their religion. It is commonly accepted that towards 1270, they had a better knowledge of the fundamental beliefs of Christianity than they did a hundred years earlier.

  • 4 - Art and architecture

  • from Part I - Common Themes
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 84-106

  • Summary

    The visual culture of thirteenth-century western Europe saw the refinement and spread of the Gothic style throughout much of north-west Europe, and in this sense it consolidated and extended the substantial achievements of the twelfth. Since the late eleventh century, northwestern Europe had experienced what some analysts have called a 'building boom' which benefited monastic establishments and the expanding cities. Though the thirteenth century saw enormous regional variations in the way the great church was conceived, the period was in other ways marked by increasing standardisation. Between 1100 and 1300 urban cathedral churches throughout western Europe became highly centralised buildings, integrating beneath one roof religious practices previously dispersed across the complex of cathedral buildings. In tandem with these changes, the thirteenth century witnessed transformations in the bases of art production and patronage. The concentration of courtly culture at major centres of power like Paris and London served further to galvanise the importance of the urban artistic economy.

  • 25 - The Celtic lands of the British Isles

  • from Part VI - The Northern and Eastern Frontiers
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 809-827

  • Summary

    Wales, Ireland and Scotland all exhibited a cultural, linguistic and social dualism between an anglicised and urbanised south and east and a Celtic-speaking, less populous north and west. In thirteenth century, the coastal plain of south Wales was controlled reasonably securely by the Anglo-Norman Marcher lords. In 1238 all the princes of Wales swore allegiance to Dafydd ap Llywelyn ap Iorwerth at Strata Florida and two years later Llywelyn, a man whose deeds it were difficult to relate, died. The aftermath of Llywelyn's death shows clearly how Welsh inheritance practices could lead to political instability. At the beginning of the thirteenth century it still seemed possible that the Anglo-Norman lords and settlers who acknowledged the authority of the king of England might attain political control of the whole of Ireland. The thirteenth-century kings of the Scots were continental rather than Celtic in the way they avoided the partible inheritance and segmentary competition of their contemporaries in Wales and Ireland.

  • 2 - Commerce and communications

  • from Part I - Common Themes
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 50-70

  • Summary

    The thirteenth century has been called, in economic terms, the autumn of the Middle Ages. Communication and commerce were part and parcel of medieval life, in spite of the arduous nature of travel. The Middle Ages witnessed the continued use of Roman road systems and the addition of many secondary routes creating a dense network across western Europe. Professional transporters handled a portion of medieval overland- and river-based trade. Such transporters worked the Champagne fairs and all towns feeding into them. Medieval towns were the sites par excellence of international trade, and of much regional traffic as well. The growth of international trade in the commercial revolution of the eleventh century was underpinned by the existence of recording methods sufficient to permit complex business transactions at a distance. The phenomenon of the medieval fair represents the best laboratory for the study of commerce and communications in thirteenth-century Europe.

  • (a) - Northern Italy: The maritime republics

  • from 15 - Northern Italy
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 417-446

  • Summary

    At the turn of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the economies of the three major Italian maritime republics were flourishing. In the east the three republics competed on a relatively even footing; however, the Pisan presence in Byzantium was more restricted than that of Genoa and Venice. Both Genoa and Pisa allied with Emperor Henry VI in his invasion of Sicily in 1194. Venice remained neutral but did not suffer for that. Across the Mediterranean the three republics competed for shares of the wealth that maritime commerce could provide. In the west competition for market share had already brought Pisa and Genoa to war. At home all three republics engaged in extensive building programmes which both enhanced their physical aspects and improved their public infrastructures. In central Europe the second half of the century saw the trade of Venice with the growth areas of southern Germany and Bohemia across the Alps expand dramatically.

Page 1829 of 2124