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42503 results in Collections

Page 1830 of 2126

  • 8 - The Church and the Jews

  • from Part II - The Church in the Thirteenth Century
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 204-219

  • Summary

    Throughout the Middle Ages, the policies of the Church towards the Jews rested on a set of consistently enunciated principles. These principles referred to Christian salvation, the promotion of the Church as both a spiritual and a worldly institution and to the Jews ultimately Christian soteriological role. The achievement of order and equilibrium typified the thirteenth-century Church's formal stance toward the Jews. It did so even in the face of what came to be viewed as enormous provocations, namely, those associated, first, with the contents of the Talmud, and, second, with the wooing back to Judaism of converts to Christianity. By the thirteenth century, Christians began studying Hebrew, better to know the Bible, often instructed by rabbis. Thomas's discussion of the Jews in his Summa theologica is predicated on the idea that Jews are an indispensable block in the seamless scholastic building fabric of society and its ideals.

  • Introduction

  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 1-10

  • Summary

    THE dominant theme in the history of thirteenth-century Europe is arguably that of expansion: the expansion of Latin Christendom, to encompass Orthodox, Muslim and pagan lands previously on its outer fringes; the expansion of the economy, as western merchants (Italian, German, Catalan) penetrated deeper into the Mediterranean, the Baltic and the European land mass; the expansion too of population, to which a halt was called only around 1300; the expansion also of government, as rulers in western Europe consolidated their hold over their territories, and as the papacy made consistent claims to its own authority even over secular rulers. By the end of the thirteenth century the political and demographic expansion of powerful European kingdoms could be felt, too, on the edges of the British Isles, as the English king posed an ever sharper threat to the autonomy of the Welsh princes and the Scottish kings. To see the thirteenth century in this light is not simply to see it from a western, Latin, perspective. It will be obvious already that a major feature of the period is the encroachment of the Latin west upon the Greek and Slavonic east, as upon the Muslim world: this was the era of major crusades, under royal and princely direction, against Egypt, Tunis, Muslim Spain and indeed pagan Prussia and Livonia, but it was also the period in which a diverted crusade, aiming originally at the mouth of the Nile, found itself able to overwhelm Constantinople, fragmenting the already fragile Byzantine empire and imposing (not very successfully) the authority of the bishop of Rome over the Orthodox Church in Greece. Nowhere in Europe, nor indeed in the Mediterranean, were the Latins totally invisible. Even if it were not the case that the history of medieval Europe can only be written after paying attention to the east of Europe (including Byzantium), and the Islamic lands bordering on Europe, it is hard to see how a volume on the thirteenth century could lack detailed attention to areas far from the Ile-de-France, and issues remote from the conflict of popes and emperors, the theme that has dominated many surveys of this period.

  • (a) - The rise of the Mamluks

  • from 19 - Islam and the Mediterranean
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 607-621

  • Summary

    During Saladin's lifetime, his empire had been run as a family business, with his kinsmen controlling large, semi-independent principalities, only loosely responsive to the sultan's authority. After Saladin's death those kinsmen, based in Cairo, Damascus and Aleppo, fought amongst themselves for supremacy in Egypt and Syria. They were supported in their struggles by small armies composed of freeborn Kurds and Turks, as well as Turkish Mamluks. Under the Ayyubids, and, later, the Mamluks, the mutqa collected his pay himself in the form of taxes, levied usually in kind on a designated village or agricultural estate. As-Salih Ayyub's Mamluk regiment was garrisoned in a fortress on an island in the river Nile and for this reason they were known as the Bahri Salihi Mamluks. The Christians in the south declared their neutrality in the imminent conflict between the Mongols and the Mamluks.

  • 6 - The Albigensian Crusade and heresy

  • from Part II - The Church in the Thirteenth Century
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 164-181

  • Summary

    When Raymond learned of Peter of Castelnau's murder, Innocent launched a crusade against Toulouse, offering participants the same indulgence as those who went to the Holy Land. Although this war became known as the Albigensian Crusade, because Albi had been the first centre of Catharism in southern France, it was not designed to deal directly with heresy. Raymond of Toulouse had meanwhile sought a reconciliation with the pope, and undertook to carry out Innocent's wishes and to make reparations to the Church. The independence of Toulouse jeopardised the work of the crusade, for Cathar perfecti and faidit knights from the Trencavel lands sought asylum there and waited for a favourable opportunity to return to their homes. The Cathars were at first resilient in the face of persecution. After the Peace of Paris, the perfecti had resumed lay dress and their communities had dispersed.

  • (a) - The central European kingdoms

  • from 24 - Eastern Europe
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 754-778

  • Summary

    Among the Pannonians, three brothers, namely Lech, Rus and Czech, were born to Pan, prince of the Pannonians. These three held the three kingdoms of the Lechites, Russians and Czechs. The kingdom of Bohemia was girt by the Erzebirge mountains to the northwest and the Bohemian Forest in the south-west, while in the south-east the White Carpathians separated the dependent mark of Moravia from Slovakia. The thirteenth century brought a second and consolidatory round of 'westernisation' to central Europe. The greatest impact on Hungary and on central Europe as a whole was made by the Tatar invasions. While the western and southern Polish dukes concentrated their attentions primarily on relations with Bohemia and Hungary, the Mazovian Piasts stood further aloof from western alliances. Political developments in central Europe were attended by religious and economic changes which transformed the central kingdoms from passive recipients of alien culture into active members of Latin Christendom and propagators of her values.

  • (b) - Flanders

  • from 14 - Germany and Flanders
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 405-416

  • Summary

    Under Count Philip of Alsace, Flanders had become one of the mightiest and most progressive principalities of western Europe. In 1191, the power relations between Flanders and France had been reversed: the king now constantly undermined the counts' power. The highest governmental organ, the count's curia, showed a clear tendency towards professionalisation. Since the first half of the eleventh century, the county of Flanders had been subdivided into castellanies, chatellenies, districts under the control of the viscounts residing in a central borough. The Flemish nobility was primarily determined by birth; free status, vassalage, the ownership of allodia and the possession of seigneurial rights were further but not essential characteristics. The continuous population growth increased pressure on the land as a response to the high demand for agrarian products. The intensive use of the land is only one aspect of the highly developed Flemish economy. After northern Italy, Flanders was the earliest and most densely urbanised area of medieval Europe.

  • (b) - Sardinia and Corsica from the mid-twelfth to the early fourteenth century

  • from 15 - Northern Italy
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 447-457

  • Summary

    Around the middle of the twelfth century Sardinia was still divided into four small kingdoms, also known as judgeships. In 1187 the marquis of Massa, Guglielmo, burst on the scene in Sardinia; he was the head of one of the four branches of the Obertenghi clan and was supported by the commune of Pisa. Corsica, unlike Sardinia, had maintained since the Lombard and Carolingian eras fairly close and constant contact with the Ligurian and Tyrrhenian cities. The reconstruction of the social and economic evolution of Sardinia in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries is difficult, in view of the scarcity of sources. Immediately after the middle of the thirteenth century major events took place in Sardinia. The judge of Cagliari, Chiano di Massa, hoping to extract himself from Pisan control, came to an agreement with Genoa, bringing his lands within the Genoese sphere.

  • 9 - The religious Orders

  • from Part II - The Church in the Thirteenth Century
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 220-255

  • Summary

    Around 1230, one of the greatest figures of the Reformation, the bishop of Acre, Jacques de Vitry, taking stock of the changes that had occurred to Christianity throughout the preceding decades, made the following observation: 'Three types of religious life already existed: the hermits, the monks and the canons. Towards the end of this period was added a fourth institution, the beauty of a new religious Order and the sanctity of a new Rule. The difficulties of the great monastic and canonical institutions should not overshadow the appearance of new, often successful, forms of religious life, with ambitions that were both more precise and more concrete. In 1252, the University of Paris therefore declared that no member of a religious Order could subsequently hold a Chair. During the thirteenth century, the religious influence of the Mendicant Orders was felt above all in the cities.

  • 20 - The rise of Aragon-Catalonia

  • from Part V - The Mediterranean Frontiers
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 644-667

  • Summary

    The rise of Aragon' is a term that hides a great deal: in the thirteenth century it was not so much the highland kingdom of Aragon, from which they drew their royal title, as the seaboard county of Barcelona. By the start of the thirteenth century certain broad features can be assigned to Catalonia-Aragon. Under James I, the power and in many respects the character of the monarchy was transformed. His own birth was widely viewed as a miracle, not least because of the cordial loathing of Peter II for Maria of Montpellier, but the true miracle was the survival of Peter's bloodline. In 1233 James, newly victorious in the Balearics, was able to redeem his earlier failure at Peniscola, and to capture Burriana, from which the Muslim population was cleared. Louis IX was another of James I's neighbours, and it is now time to turn to Aragonese relations with the French monarchy and with the rulers of the Pyrenees.

  • (a) - The thirteenth-century crusades in the Mediterranean

  • from 18 - The crusades
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 569-589

  • Summary

    In thirteenth century, crusading in the east was shaped by some principal factors. In the winter of 1200-01 the crusade's leaders sent six envoys to Italy, including the expedition's future historian, Geoffrey de Villehardouin. They were to negotiate terms for the army's transport to the east with the Italian maritime cities. In 1213, less than a decade after the failure of Fourth crusade, Innocent III issued the bull Quia maior, a call for a new expedition to the east. In the previous year thousands of German and French adolescents had attempted to go to the assistance of the Holy Land by marching to Mediterranean ports, at which they hoped that shipping would be provided. By September 1218 it was clear that the crusading army would have to remain in the field for some time. Fresh troops, mainly fro.

  • 7 - The Church and the laity

  • from Part II - The Church in the Thirteenth Century
  • David Abulafia, University of Cambridge
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    21 October 1999, pp 182-203

  • Summary

    There was an enormous effort to make the religious beliefs and practices of the faithful conform more to the demands of Christianity, as Christianity was defined by the Catholic Church. The Church first made an effort to reinforce the prestige of the ordinary priests, who, especially in the countryside, were barely distinguishable from the ordinary faithful, either because of their way of life or even because of their religious knowledge. In the twelfth century, it was accepted that, under certain conditions, the laity and even women could speak in public about religious questions or matters related to the life of the Church. In the thirteenth century, the Church made a great effort to educate the faithful in their religion. It is commonly accepted that towards 1270, they had a better knowledge of the fundamental beliefs of Christianity than they did a hundred years earlier.

Page 1830 of 2126