To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
The inception of the scramble for Africa obliged Portugal to act on what had been an established ideal for many centuries. Whereas their contemporaries in other European countries had eschewed the acquisition of territory, many Portuguese had envisaged the ultimate conquest and consolidation of the territories in the hinterland of their coastal settlements in Angola and Mozambique. The restructuring of African societies mirrored the economic transformation which Angola had undergone during the nineteenth century. The Berlin Conference had resolved the issue of the Congo mouth, but failed to delimit frontiers between Leopold's Independent State and Angola. The aggressive spirit which emerged from the defeat of Gungunyana was largely responsible for a Portuguese attempt to bring northern Mozambique under control. Events in Mozambique after the financial crisis followed a course similar to that in Angola. The advent of colonial rule in Mozambique did not produce many changes in the colonial social structure.
East Africa in 1870 is best defined as the economic hinterland of the commercial entrepôt of Zanzibar. Through the activities of the Swahili commercial system, East Africa during the early and mid-1870s became a more internally integrated and geographically specific region of the world than it had been before. The commercial system had roots in localised and regional trade. For decades, caravans had been organised and porters recruited on behalf of European travellers, whose comings and goings provided the East African economy with a veritable tourist industry. The active conquest of East Africa took place between 1888 and 1900 through sporadic and sustained military campaigns best called colonial wars. When turning to the ecological crisis as a context of militarism, it must be noted that natural disaster is a constant theme in the history of East Africa from 1870 to 1905.
Within a decade of the official proclamation of the fields, the economy of southern Africa had been transformed and its political direction sharply changed. Already in 1886, it was well known that gold was to be found in the Transvaal. The Limpopo constituted no barrier to the flood of concession seekers, and the years between 1889 and 1895 saw the dramatic annexation of all the African territories up to the Congo in what has been termed 'a gigantic speculation in mining futures. The BSA Company appointed its own deputy administrator in Northern Rhodesia, as its territory north of the Zambezi came to be called. By the 1900s, for Africans all over the sub-continent forced to seek work, the great magnet was the Witwatersrand. All over southern Africa, the imposition of colonial rule meant the imposition of taxation to raise much-needed revenue for administration and to force people out to work.
In 1885 the European opening up of Gabon and Congo had only just begun. The intervention of metropolitan France in the archaic and brutal form of the régime concessionnaire copied from the Leopoldian model, soon resulted in the upsetting of the fragile pre-colonial balance. Social and political disintegration took place rapidly following the operations of the conquest, and the rapid proliferation of European commercial enterprises had disrupted the main traditional trade routes. The idea of an economic conquest based on the opening up of great penetration routes with the aim of 'linking the mouth of the Congo to Upper Egypt across Africa' went back to Brazza. Given the dreadful state of the finances of the colony, the apparent success of the Leopoldian system after 1896 made the decision inevitable. The military expeditions to Chad swallowed the entire budget. The development of the colony demanded a considerable investment in men and in capital and every kind of infrastructure.
This volume deals with a period of about thirty-five years, from about 1870 till about 1905. This was, of course, the period which saw, first, the scramble by European powers and interests to stake out territorial claims in Africa, next, the paper partition of the continent by those powers, and finally the colonial conquest and occupation. In 1870, the only large areas to have suffered such inroads lay either to the north of the Sahara or else to the south of the Limpopo. By 1905, Ethiopia and Morocco were the only truly independent African states, and the innumerable petty polities of pre-colonial Africa, as well as a few larger ones, had been consolidated into the forty-odd colonies and protectorates which were destined to become, with only a few subsequent changes, the sovereign states of modern, post-colonial Africa.
Yet, to characterise the period wholly in this way, is to see it too much through European eyes. As the succeeding chapters show, African history throughout this period pursued paths still largely separate from those of the European colonisers. The treaty-making expeditions of a Binger or a Brazza, of a Johnston or a Lugard, of a Cardoso or a Serpa Pinto, were scarcely to be distinguished by any African observer from the trading caravans of the Dyula or the Hausa, of the Sudanese jallāba or the Swahili-Arabs, of the Mozambican Chikunda or the Angolan pombeiros. The diplomatic partition of the continent passed almost unnoticed by the Africans whose territory was at issue. The colonial conquest and occupation was experienced by them as a piecemeal phenomenon, which affected some of those living near the coasts as early as the 1870s and 1880s, but which reached most of the interior peoples only during the 1890s and the 1900s.
In 1870, the political economy of Southern Africa was characterised by tremendous regional diversity. The discovery and subsequent mining of diamonds and gold in southern Africa in the 1870s and 1880s was not fortuitous. Africans in southern Africa had prospected for and exploited the gold, copper and iron of the sub-continent since the first millennium AD By the mid-nineteenth century, European explorers were aware that minerals existed in abundance in the Transvaal and adjacent territories. A major justification for confederation and the annexation of the Transvaal had been the danger of a black-white confrontation in South Africa. Both Cetshwayo and Lobengula, king of the Ndebele kingdom north of the Limpopo, feared that Christianity and its new mores would undermine their authority. For people south of the Zambezi, and to some extent even for the Lozi to the north-west, the crucial issue in these years was increasingly what strategy to adopt towards the intruders from the south.
African history has been too much dominated by blanket terms, generalisations which prompt comparisons rather than contrasts. African authorities lost the race for power and, as they did so, became increasingly divided. Europeans accumulated power, but were not much less divided over how to convert it into authority. In the mid-1880s the first scramble for Africa took up a number of threads of African history. Western Africa was divided between two contrasted frontiers of trade and belief. The savanna states of the Sudan, recently revolutionised by Islam, were orientated to internal trade and the northern outlets over the Sahara. An examination of these frontiers of change can help to illuminate the wide variety of the African experience of colonial conquest. Robinson and Gallagher's earlier explanation was continental in scale and attracted attention because they took changes in Europe and in Africa equally seriously. The mass of Africans were still more unwilling to play their part in the scheme of reconstruction.
In the immediate aftermath the European siege lines were strengthened, but the scale of the impending threat to African independence was still not generally predictable. Around 1890, relations between Europe and West Africa changed their character. Modern breach-loading rifles reached West African markets during the 1870s. The British began to recognise that economic inducements and diplomatic suasion might no longer suffice to protect their interests against European intrusion or African assertiveness. Once the French, British and Germans had acquired their new empires, they had to find methods of governing them. By 1905 most colonies could feel optimistic about the prospects for increasing the type of commercial exchanges already established between African agriculturists and the capitalist world. The northern Nigerian system of 'indirect rule' was a response to local circumstances before it became the basis of colonial dogma. The immediate impact of the conquest upon the lives of ordinary Africans varied enormously.
This chapter reviews the state of the Africa on the eve of partition, roughly over the decade of the 1870s. The situation of Egypt and the Maghrib countries and their response to European influence and interference, and to modernisation in general, varied considerably at the beginning of the period. In the remarkably uniform ecological zones of West Africa the patterns of economic production and trade on the one hand, and political development on the other, had by the 1870s undergone a century or more of rapid change. South of the equator farming populations only started to build up their numbers within the Iron Age. In the 186os the boundaries of the Portuguese colony of Angola were receding and its economy was passing through a deep recession. Widespread ideological and cultural changes had taken place as a result of African experiences of the Muslim Near East and Christian Europe.
In 1879 the French launched in the Senegal hinterland the first deliberate European attempt to create a large territorial empire in tropical Africa. Until the 1870s, 'Africa as a whole' had been a purely geographical concept, of no practical relevance to the European politicians and merchants concerned with the continent. Advances or acquisitions in Africa undertaken primarily to secure a diplomatic advantage in Europe are not however quite unknown. The most striking is the Anglo-Egyptian advance into the Sudan in March 1896. For the French, the one redeeming feature of British informal empire was its purely de facto existence, devoid of legal warrant and therefore instantly vulnerable should the power-balance ever tilt in favour of France. Until the mid-1890s the European scramble had surprisingly little effect upon Anglo-Afrikaner rivalries in South Africa. After the collapse of the Anglo-Congolese Agreement, Rosebery attempted to negotiate an upper Nile settlement directly with Paris.
The Congo Independent State, under the personal government of King Leopold, lasted from 1885 to 1908. In the first years of existence of the Congo State, when only a tiny part of the territory of the state was occupied, Leopold tried to extend his frontiers in all directions. In the early years the prosperity of the administration depended on the relations between the administrator and the local African authorities, including the balance of physical power. Districts in turn were sub-divided into posts, of which there were 183 by 1900. The grass roots organisation was provided by the 1891 decree on chiefs. These were appointed by the administration as an area came under occupation. At first the growth of the Congo State was accompanied by the development of traditional commercial companies. The Congo State was anxious to promote agriculture, but its economic policies in effect prevented this.
When the Second Empire succumbed to the Prussian onslaught the French had already been established in North Africa for forty years. The fall of the Second Empire was greeted with joy by the French in Algeria. The naturalisation of Algerian-born Jews, the setting up of assize juries and the extension of the area under civilian rule were proclaimed one after another. The conquest of Algeria caused a rapprochement between France and Tunisia, and increased the latter's separation from the Porte. The 1896 agreements gave the Italians in Tunisia the means to create a state within a state. In the closing years of the nineteenth century, Morocco was the only country in Africa, apart from Ethiopia, to preserve its independence. The disaggregation of the Moroccan empire made it an easy prey for the foreigner. In France, as in Algeria, it awakened long-standing ambitions aimed at the southern Sahara.
In the earlier years of Ismā'īl's reign, when the khedive was attempting to reduce his dependence upon his Ottoman suzerain, Egyptians had been appointed as province governors. Muhammad Tawfīq had no alternative but to release and reinstate 'Urābī and his colleagues and to dismiss 'Uthmān Rifqī. The French occupation of Tunis in May 1881 seemed to some officers to foreshadow a British occupation of Egypt. During 1882 there had been Mahdist risings on the west bank of the White Nile and in the Gezira region between the White and Blue Niles. The revolutionary phase of the Mahdiyya ended with the Mahdi's death in June 1885. The Anglo-Egyptian advance of March 1896 was perhaps less of a surprise to the Khalifa 'Abdallāhi than it was to Cromer. In sharp contrast to Shoa, remote from foreign interference, Yohannes's base in Tigre was an exposed salient of the Ethiopian polity. Northern Somalia seems to have prospered under Egyptian administration.
Indigenous African history, which still dominated most of the arena, moved at a slower rhythm than the history of the colonial advance. This chapter discusses the zone of acculturation, stretching around the coast from Senegambia to the Bay of Biafra. The cautious policies imposed from London had lost for the British the priority which was theirs as a result of the powerful colony of Sierra Leone at the southern end of the Rivières du Sud. To the east of the Bagoe and the Bandama, the Senufo, who spoke the most westerly of the Voltaic languages, were solid villagers with a truly stateless tradition. It explains the immediate hinterland which, from the upper Niger to the Volta, was open to influences from both the coast and the Sudan. The chapter focusses on the great belt of the Sudan itself, from the Senegal to Wadai, where events still seemed to move at the traditional pace.