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Before the founding of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) there were even special magazines for or about the working man which provided information on workers and peasants, fostered a new attitude towards labour, and drew attention to some of the most serious social problems. In the case of China between 1917 and 1921 the conversion to Marxism involved the perception of Chinese reality on the part of the converts, their personal temperament and traits, and their understanding of the doctrine itself. Lenin's theses on the agrarian and national and colonial questions presented before and at the Second Congress of the Communist International (CI) in July 1920 probably remained unknown to the early Chinese Marxists. The Boxer uprising and Russia's role in it drew Lenin's attention to China, but it was the Chinese and other Asian revolutions. Towards the end of the first united front, the party could perhaps influence some three million factory, mining and railway workers.
This chaper presents essays on republican period, the economic trends from I9I2 to 49, Peking Government, the warlord era and the intellectual history of the reform generation supplement to the first and second series came out before the two volumes of the fourth part of the second series. An original study of the May Fourth phenomenon is Lin Yii-sheng's challenging work. Surveys in Chinese from a Marxist viewpoint, focused on the period around 1919, include Hua Kang and Ch'en Tuan-chih. The principal bibliographic work on the CCP before 1949 has been done by Japanese scholars, who have listed especially documents held in archives in Taiwan and articles published in major serials. The involvement of the Chinese bourgeoisie in the revolution of 1911 marked its emergence on the political scene. The chambers of commerce and the business associations, despite the essential roles they played between 1911 and 1927, remain poorly known.
The years immediately following the Revolution of 1911, when Yuan Shih-k'ai was president of the first Chinese republic emphasizes the beginnings of warlordism. It also stresses the continuities with the pre-revolutionary years and sees the Revolution of 1911 as an early climax in a nationalist movement to invigorate politics and society. The ambiguity of the revolutionary aftermath began with the negotiated settlement of the revolution itself. The social conservatism of the 1911 Revolution and the scope given to gentry power in the new order make understandable such politics among those most oppressed. It was apparently believed, at least by Yuan Shih-k'ai, that the switch to a monarchy would keep the Japanese, with their own monarchical proclivities, at bay until the war ended. It appears that the two failed political experiments of the early republic liberal government and dictatorship contributed to each other's destruction. Yuan's dictatorship collapsed with themonarchy.
This chapter surveys the history of the Chinese economy from the end of the Manchu dynasty to the establishment of the People's Republic. While the quantitative indicators do not show large changes during the republican era, China in 1949 was nevertheless different from China in 1912. Modern industrial, commercial and transport sector for the most part remained confined to the treaty ports. The census-registration of 1953-54-54 reported a population of 583 million for mainland China. In describing the Chinese economy in the closing years of the Ch'ing dynasty, it is noted that at least 549 Chinese-owned private and semiofficial manufacturing and mining enterprises using mechanical power were inaugurated between 1895 and 1913. China's economy in the republican era was overwhelmingly agricultural. Neither the 'distributionist' nor the 'technological' analysis of China's failure to industrialize before 1949, is by itself satisfactory. Poorly developed transport continued to be a major shortcoming of the Chinese economy throughout the republican period.
The study of modern Chinese literature is burdened with China's modern history. It origins can be traced to the late Ch'ing period, more specifically to the last decade and a half from 1895 to 1911. This chapter commences with a discussion on this period. For at least two decades before the 'literary revolution' of 1917, urban literary journalism, had already established the market and the readership for the latter-day practitioners of New Literature. Two prevalent forms of fiction writing can easily be discerned on the late Ch'ing literary scene: the social novel and the sentimental novel in which the central focus is on human emotions. For the May Fourth youths 'riding on the tempestuous storm of romanticism', 40 love had become the central focus of their lives. By the May Fourth period, Su Man-shu's legacy, had become a new convention: foreign literature was used to bolster the new Chinese writer's own image and lifestyle.
The death of Yuan Shih-k'ai in June 1916 ushered in the era of the warlords and yet throughout the ensuing decade of militarism, the Peking government remained the symbol of China's national sovereignty and hoped-for unity. Constitutionalism served the interests of ex-bureaucrats and professionals because it offered them legitimate political roles without opening the political arena to the groups below them. The popular support it could command would provide the key to wealth and power for China. The institutional facade of the Peking government was constitutional: legislative, executive and judicial functions parcelled out by law, policy decisions made by institutional procedures. The reality was factional: personal followings, cutting across the boundaries of official institutions, each faction centred on a particular leader. Constitutionalism could not restrain the brutal forces. The tide of change washed the wealthy and fortunate ashore in the foreign concessions of treaty ports. The constitutional system exhausted its own vitality through its members' absorption in factional struggles.
The 1898 reform movement was an effort at institutional change on the part of ranking literati close to the throne. Where it had been directed at the inherited political order, the intellectual campaign for a totally 'new culture', which was symbolized by the May Fourth demonstrations of 1919, was seen as an attack upon the traditional moral and social orders. Filtered through the interpretive matrix of reform cosmology, science and democracy appeared to be the material and social manifestations of a total cosmic order linked to the ultimate ends of ta-t'ung. The history of neo-traditionalism through the May Fourth period saw the gradual supplanting of the first connotation by the second. Between the reform and the movement, three neo-traditional currents may be discerned, each with its own strategy for adapting Confucianism and the classical heritage to modern conditions. They were the National Essence movement, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao's call for 'new people' and modern relevance of the central spiritual symbols of Confucianism.
The foreign establishment in early republican China had many facets: territory, people, rights established by treaty or unilaterally asserted, armed force, diplomacy, religion, commerce, journalism, freebooting adventure, racial attitudes. This chapter describes briefly the dimensions of each of the principal guises in which the foreigner impinged upon the polity, economy, society and mind of China. In the absence of modern financial institutions in China, the early foreign merchant houses undertook to provide for themselves many of the auxiliary services such as banking, foreign exchange and insurance essential to their import-export businesses. However, by the second decade of the twentieth century, 12 foreign banks were operating in China. In the first two decades of the twentieth century, 85 to 90 per cent of China's foreign trade by value was carried in foreign flag vessels. The foreign presence was highly visible in three departments of the central government: the Maritime Customs Service, the Post Office and the Salt Administration.
The Nationalist Revolution of the 1920s succeeded because of a remarkable mobilization of human energy and material resources in the service of patriotic and revolutionary goals. This chapter discusses the rejuvenating the Kuomintang, creation of a revolutionary military force, conflict in the Kwangtung base, and the Russian financing of Chinese revolutionary activities. The patriotic purposes of the Northern Expedition was to liberate China from the warlords and win its rightful place of equality among the nations, with friendship for all. The disastrous Canton uprising, engineered by a small group of daring Chinese communist leaders to carry out general instructions of the new Provisional Politburo in Shanghai, marked a low point in the Communist Party's long struggle for power. Now the country had five main agglomerations of regional military power: the group proclaiming itself the Nationalist government, the Kwangsi faction, Feng Yii-hsiang's Kuominchiin, Yen Hsi-shan of Shansi, and Chang Hsuehliang and other Manchurian generals controlling domestic affairs in the North-east.
Many factors combined to create the great intellectual upsurge of 1919 and the early 1920s that in the Chinese fashion has been given a neutral numerical designation as the 'Five-four' movement. The main focus of this chapter is on themes and issues which were to dominate the discourse of the intellectual stratum during the May Fourth period and after. The grandest and most enduring theme of all is the theme of historical or evolutionary progress as first interpreted in the writings of the great pioneers like K'ang Yu-wei, Yen Fu, and T'an Ssu-t'ung. The Chinese Revolution of 1911 produced no social revolution. One of the more significant conflicts which emerged out of the winds of doctrine of the May Fourth period was the debate between Hu Shih, Li Ta-chao and others concerning the question of 'problems versus -isms'. Another outcome of the May Fourth movement was the whole 'neo-traditionalist' reaction against the 'totalistic iconoclasm' of the movement.
The time between 1916 and 1928 is commonly called the 'warlord period'. While warlords used such personal ties to cultivate the loyalty of their officers, their subordinates often had similar relationships with their own juniors. Some commanders tried to minimize these secondary loyalties, and focus all allegiance directly on themselves, but it was difficult to eliminate them. The percentage of public revenue actually devoted to public purposes evidently declined in most provinces through the warlord era. The chaos of warlordism, and the concomitant weakness of the Peking government, rendered China peculiarly vulnerable to foreign pressures and encroachments. This chapter looks at some events to note how militarism supervened and finally supplanted the vestiges of constitutionalism. On the one hand, the warlord years represented the low point of political unity and national strength in the twentieth century. On the other hand, they also represented the peak of intellectual and literary achievement.
The written sources for the organization of the state in Parthian and early Sasanian times are various and heterogeneous. The historian finds himself dealing with two points of view which rarely coincide. The first of these is represented for the most part by authors writing in Greek and Latin (mainly for the Parthian period), and also in Syriac, Armenian, Arabic, Chinese and other languages (mainly for the Sasanian period). Thus, some sections of the history of the Parthian and Sasanian states are known to us only through “a view from the West” or “a view from the Far East”, and it remains dubious what particular Parthian or Sasanian institutions a given writer had in mind when he adapted ideas that he did not fully understand to his own, alien terminology. The second point of view is represented by indigenous sources.
The sources in the Parthian language consist mostly of fragmentary epigraphic material. This principally takes the form of potsherds found by the South-Turkmenistan Archaeological Expedition to Nisā: the archive of a wine storehouse (mdwstn) in the 1st century b.c., containing over 2,000 documents which have survived to the present day. A small number of potsherds, records of issues of corn to the Persian garrison, have been found at Dura-Europos. They belong to the middle of the 3rd century a.d. Some graffiti in various languages (including Parthian) were also found there, together with a few parchments in Parthian and Greek – contracts and business documents.
The place of Sasanian silver in the history of pre-Islamic Near-Eastern art has always been a prominent one. The large collection of vessels housed in the Hermitage Museum and the smaller ones in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, the British Museum in London, and the Staatliche Museen in Berlin were catalogued in the early 1900s and initiated considerable discussion and controversy. The objects were chiefly accidental finds made in Armenia, the Urals, the Ukraine, Asia Minor and Iran, or purchases on the market in India and Afghanistan. Problems, therefore, existed not only concerning their date but also their place of manufacture. In recent years a large number of related silver vessels have come from clandestine excavations in Iran. Because of the way in which they came to light, they have added little certain information beyond the fact of their Iranian provenance, and they have introduced the new question of authenticity.
As there is no archaeological evidence upon which to base an attribution to the Sasanian period, some of the vessels have been ascribed at one time or another to different periods and regions. Sasanian rock reliefs, stuccos, gems and coins offer parallels for many of the features found on the silver, but they differ significantly in form and design. They do not, therefore, always supply evidence that can establish with certainty the period or the culture to which the vessels should be assigned.
The word “literature” in this chapter heading must be understood to refer to all written documents in the Saka languages, alike the documents of administration and business and the literary texts. Even so the bulk is not large, since much has been lost, though on the literary side of impressive quality.
The name too of the Saka peoples in this chapter has been chosen for its width of application. It has been generally accepted that these documents from Khotan and Tumshuq are from Saka peoples who had become sedentary. The word “Saka”, however, does not appear in the texts themselves. Its justification is the following.
In the Old Persian Achaemenian inscriptions of Pārsa, Darius listed Gandāra Sakā Maka, and wrote hačā Sakaibiš tyaiy para Sugdam “from the Saka who are beyond Sogdiana”; similarly Xerxes has Dahā Sakā. With these is to be joined the statement of Herodotus (VII. 64), oί γàρ Πέρσαι πàντας τoυς Σκυθας καλέoυσι Σακας “for the Persians call all the Skuthas Sakas”. In the 2nd century b.c. the Chinese wrote of Sak (later pronunciation Sö and Sai) to the north-west of Kāshghar. In the second half of the 2nd century b.c. Saka people descended on the Greeks of Bactria and eventually gave their name to ancient Drangiana (Zranka), which has since been called “Land of the Sakas”. Hence this name is found passim. It occurs in a wider sense in the Kharosthī inscription of the Mathurā Lion Capital (mid 2nd century b.c.) as sakastana (k = gh); it is found later in Buddhist Sanskrit as śakasthāna (with ś- replacing s-).