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41755 results in Collections

Page 2030 of 2088

  • 18a - East Greece

  • from PART III - THE BALKANS AND THE AEGEAN
  • Edited by John Boardman, I. E. S. Edwards, N. G. L. Hammond, E. Sollberger
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Ancient History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    05 August 1982, pp 745-753

  • Summary

    This chapter reviews the environment in which the Greek settlers found themselves and makes a somewhat inconclusive evaluation of their response on the plane of human geography. The Greek settlements for the most part were planted in bays and at little coastal plains; and it is only on the Halicarnassus peninsula that archaeological investigation has given us any impression of native settlement coexisting with the emerging Greek civilization. The north-east of Caria has the advantage of possessing larger basins of agricultural land that can be approached from up the Maeander valley, and some substantial settlements there date from prehistoric times. The Greek cities of the mainland coast were for the most part well situated to provide for their own needs. The Ionians' addiction to city life and development of its potentialities must have been an important factor in the historical evolution of ancient Greek life.

  • 14 - The Early Iron Age in the Central Balkan Area, c. 1000–750 B.C.

  • from PART III - THE BALKANS AND THE AEGEAN
  • Edited by John Boardman, I. E. S. Edwards, N. G. L. Hammond, E. Sollberger
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Ancient History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    05 August 1982, pp 582-618

  • Summary

    This chapter deals with events in the Balkan Peninsula down to c. 700 BC One can say with certainty that the area occupied by the Thracians lay within the eastern part of the Balkans and primarily within the area south of the Stara Planina. One of the divisions of the Iron Age is relevant: Iron Age I (c. 1200/1100-700 B. C) which covers the Dark Age in Greece and the great changes during the transition from the Bronze to the Iron Age. This period corresponds with Reinecke's Bronze Age D/Hallstatt A to the end of Hallstatt B3, and with Mycenaean IIIC1/C2 to the end of Geometric in Greece and in the Aegean. The chapter discusses the archaeological finds and the historical problems under regional headings: the East Balkan region, the Central Balkan region, the West Balkan region, and the North-western Balkan region. It also talks about the metal objects which are characteristic of this period.

  • 45a - Economic and social conditions in the Greek world

  • Edited by John Boardman, N. G. L. Hammond
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Ancient History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    05 August 1982, pp 417-441

  • Summary

    Introduction

    During the three centuries surveyed in this chapter (800–500 B.C.) the economic and social structure of the Greek world underwent massive alterations which set the framework for the Classic age. The general character and the tempo of development can be discerned; causes and interrelationships are often obscure. For present purposes Hesiod (Works and Days only), Solon, Theognis and Herodotus provide the most valuable literary testimony. The difficulties in using Homer as a historical source, suggested in CAH II.2, chapter 39b, must lead one to cite the epics only with caution; Aristotle, Plato and other later authors are occasionally helpful if we keep in mind their very different intellectual milieu. Significant archaeological evidence will be noted briefly, for the second part of this chapter will survey the physical material more fully.

    Economically the volume of output increased tremendously, as measured against earlier centuries, and was much diversified in types of products and in their styles. Industrial and commercial activity tended to concentrate at urban centres in the more advanced parts of Greece. After his conquest of Asia Minor the Persian king Cyrus asked about the nature of the Spartans (Hdt. I. 153), and upon receiving an answer purportedly commented, ‘I have never yet been afraid of any men who have a set place in the middle of their city, where they come together to cheat each other and forswear themselves.’ To this emphasis on the role of economically independent elements in Hellenic markets a modern observer would add the important fact that the accepted Greek standard of value had by Cyrus' day become coined money, even if coins themselves were not always actually used in the exchange of goods and services.

  • 8 - Urartu

  • from PART II - THE MIDDLE EAST
  • Edited by John Boardman, I. E. S. Edwards, N. G. L. Hammond, E. Sollberger
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Ancient History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    05 August 1982, pp 314-371

  • Summary

    The discovery of Urartu belongs to the heroic period when European scholars first resurrected the civilization of Assyria in the nineteenth century. General studies of Urartian art, history, and archaeology have followed, in many ways making the student's path easier. The geographical extent of the Urartian kingdom at its zenith in the middle of the eighth century BC was considerable. It has been described as the 'diamond-shaped area between the four lakes of Van, Urmia, Sevan and Cildir'. The Urartians never speak of themselves as ' the people of Urartu' or use the term at all; when their inscriptions first begin some years later, they use either the term Nairi, or the name Biainili. For the Assyrians on the other hand, henceforth the 'Nairi lands' and Urartu become synonymous and interchangeable. Last of all the legacy of Urartu has to be considered. This was extended both to the Orient and to the West.

  • 20e - Balkan Languages (Illyrian, Thracian and Daco-Moesian)

  • from PART III - THE BALKANS AND THE AEGEAN
  • Edited by John Boardman, I. E. S. Edwards, N. G. L. Hammond, E. Sollberger
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Ancient History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    05 August 1982, pp 866-898

  • Summary

    Applied to language, the name 'Illyrian' is a very ambiguous term. Until recently it was generally admitted that the Thracian linguistic territory covered the whole eastern half of the Balkan peninsula from the Aegean sea, east of the mouth of the Axius, to the upper Tisia and Hierasus north of the Danube. The linguistic evidence available for Thracian remains limited to a couple of inscriptions, a few glosses and a set of Dacian names of plants, besides an impressive amount of onomastic material. In the present state of the knowledge, it is difficult to determine whether Thracian and Daco-Moesian represent two dialects of the same language or constitute two distinct linguistic entities, as Georgiev claims. Their formerly assumed close relation with Phrygian can hardly be maintained. The problem of a possible common substrate of Romanian and Albanian has been linked with the study of Thracian and Daco-Moesian.

  • 20c - Linguistic Problems of the Balkan Area in Late Prehistoric and Early Classical Periods

  • from PART III - THE BALKANS AND THE AEGEAN
  • Edited by John Boardman, I. E. S. Edwards, N. G. L. Hammond, E. Sollberger
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Ancient History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    05 August 1982, pp 834-849

  • Summary

    This chapter correlates the information which the sources provide with the broad pattern of the results obtained from the limited material in the local ancient languages. The Balkan region in the period seems at first sight to be of bewildering linguistic and ethnic complexity. The principal idioms of the region appear in fact to have been three: Illyrian; Thracian, in a broad sense, or ' Thraco-Dacian'; and Macedonian. The evidence for the use within the Balkan region of idioms which did not belong to one of the three languages or groups just mentioned is exiguous and hard to assess. Phrygian is considered in view of the Greek tradition that Phrygians migrated from the southern Balkans to Anatolia in legendary or early historical times. It is clear that Greeks of the mainland and the Aegean region were in contact with two important groups of tribes each of which they regarded as a single ethnos, the Illyrii and the Thraces.

  • 17 - The Peloponnese

  • from PART III - THE BALKANS AND THE AEGEAN
  • Edited by John Boardman, I. E. S. Edwards, N. G. L. Hammond, E. Sollberger
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Ancient History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    05 August 1982, pp 696-744

  • Summary

    Since stock-raising was particularly important in the Dark Age of the Peloponnese, it is desirable to consider its methods. In interpreting the archaeological evidence some knowledge of geographical and ecological conditions in the Peloponnese and more primitive Balkan areas forms a useful guide. West of Argolis, the elevated canton of Arcadia is entered from Argos. Laconia, like Argolis, is rich in highland pasture, grows timber on the central (Mani) peninsula and fine olives, figs, and Mediterranean pine in the south-eastern district. In Corinthia and the Isthmus, except for a Protogeometric grave at Velio, the earliest Iron Age remains are of the Geometric period. When we review the archaeological evidence for Corinthia and the Isthmus in the Early Iron Age, we can see that the terrace area received new settlers in the Submycenaean period and became the centre of Corinthia, analogous to Argos in the Argolid. Most of the literary tradition about Messenia differs from that of Argos.

  • 12 - Cyprus

  • from PART II - THE MIDDLE EAST
  • Edited by John Boardman, I. E. S. Edwards, N. G. L. Hammond, E. Sollberger
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Ancient History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    05 August 1982, pp 511-533

  • Summary

    The history of Cyprus after about 1050 BC is clouded by what is usually called the 'Dark Age' in Greece. Sacred architecture of the Cypro-Geometric period is known also from Ayia Irini, where a rustic temenos was uncovered, an irregular oval in shape, with an altar and a table of offerings for libations. Citium is referred to as Khardihadast (' the New City') in Phoenician inscriptions engraved on bronze bowls and found near Amathus on the south coast of Cyprus, west of Citium. The end of the Cypro-Geometric period, which may be placed about 750 BC finds Cyprus at the beginning of an era of prosperity which was to culminate during the subsequent period. The Mycenaean Greeks had established their political and cultural supremacy in the various kingdoms of the island which were formed after the final stages of Achaean settlement. Only Citium remained outside their rule, with a Phoenician king appointed directly from Tyre.

  • 9 - The Neo-Hittite states in Syria and Anatolia

  • from PART II - THE MIDDLE EAST
  • Edited by John Boardman, I. E. S. Edwards, N. G. L. Hammond, E. Sollberger
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Ancient History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    05 August 1982, pp 372-441

  • Summary

    After c. 700, occasional references are found in classical authors to notable events in Anatolia and Syria. Since the chronological framework of the history of the Syro-Hittite states is dependent on that of the Assyrian kings and the Neo-Babylonian dynasty, the periods into which it conveniently divides are dictated by the reigns and activities of those monarchs. This is considered in the following phases: the early period, which includes the fall of the Hittite Empire-accession of Ashurnasirpal II; Reigns of Ashurnasirpal II and Shalmaneser III; Successors of Shalmaneser III; Reigns of Tiglath-pileser III, Shalmaneser V and Sargon II; Reigns of Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, and Ashurbanipal; and the Neo-Babylonian Empire, which is the fall of Assyria to Cyrus' conquest of Lydia. The necessity of dovetailing the native and external sources renders it expedient to consider first the outline history and chronology within each chronological division, and then to attempt to synchronize the indigenous evidence with it.

  • 20d - The Greek Language and the Historical Dialects

  • from PART III - THE BALKANS AND THE AEGEAN
  • Edited by John Boardman, I. E. S. Edwards, N. G. L. Hammond, E. Sollberger
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Ancient History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    05 August 1982, pp 850-865

  • Summary

    For the period from the beginning of the twelfth century (when the Mycenaean texts fail) to the end of the eighth century BC or later, statements about the Greek language are inferential. On the minimum assumptions the phonemic inventory of a Greek dialect c. 100 BC would have contained sixteen consonantal phonemes and ten pure vowels. Once the changes that distinguished Greek as a whole from other Indo-European languages had been completed there was little change in noun declension that was not the direct result of the phonological developments. Literature, in verse from the time of the Homeric epic and in prose (Ionic) during the fifth century, sheds a limited light on dialect history. The Greeks themselves were apt to describe dialect in two ways, by individual city or by ethnos. One aspect of Greek linguistic history is progressive fragmentation into dialects spoken in ever smaller areas.

  • VI - Population

  • from PART II - c. 1500–1750
  • Edited by Tapan Raychaudhuri, Irfan Habib
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Economic History of India
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    01 April 1982, pp 161-171

  • Summary

    The size of the population of Mughal India can be estimated only on the basis of the richest repository of which is the A'īn-i Akbarī, the unique work compiled by Akbar's minister, Abū'l Fazl, in 1595-6. The distribution of the population into rural and urban sectors is as difficult to estimate as determining the total size of population. There are, however, possibly two ways of working out the ratio of the urban population to the total. One way would be by tracing the distribution of the agricultural surplus, on the assumption that the peasants' own consumption did not necessitate any significant productive activity in the towns. The second way of estimating the relative size of Indian urban population in the seventeenth century is by working from what it was at the beginning of the nineteenth century, before the economic impact of the Industrial Revolution in England was extensively felt in India.

  • 3 - The South

  • from VII - State and the Economy
  • Edited by Tapan Raychaudhuri, Irfan Habib
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Economic History of India
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    01 April 1982, pp 203-213

  • Summary

    Three centuries separate the high point of Vijayanagara authority and the establishment of undisputed British rule in south India. There were also interior towns which came to thrive as the political centres of 'nāyka kingdoms'. The encouragement of foreign trade by the pre-Talikota Vijayanagara rulers was seen to be vital for the access which such trade gave these rulers to horses, firearms, and foreign soldiers. The rise of new centres of power in the macro-region under nāykas and their subordinates, pālaiyakkaras in Tamil, pālegādus in Telugu, and pālegdras in Kannada, 'poligars' to the British - while weakening the Vijayanagara state, did stimulate economic activity and development. Throughout the turbulent period from 1550 to about 1700, there are repeated references to the plunder of accumulated treasure. The traders and some Brahmans emerged as the most active of the great merchants trading with and under the European companies on the Coromandel Coast in the seventeenth century.

Page 2030 of 2088