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In south India, handicrafts were based almost exclusively on manual labour and development of professional habits. Non-agricultural production demonstrated a great variety of forms of economic organization and of methods of integration into the macro-system of the economy. The system of inter-community natural unity of crafts and agriculture was sufficiently flexible to survive for a long time. Numerically the most important branches of rural commodity producing crafts were weaving and oil-pressing. Urban crafts were developed in India from the ancient period and distinguished by the high quality of goods. Indian artisans achieved high artistic skill especially in textile production. The concentration of textile workers in the sea-ports of the Coromandel Coast was enhanced. The majority of urban artisans were commodity producers. Economically the most important and organizationally and technologically the most developed industry was shipbuilding.
The land of Kamrup that once extended from the easternmost limits of the Brahmaputra valley to the banks of the river Karatoya was long in ruin when, in the early thirteenth century, Turko-Afghan adventurers from Bengal and the migrant Ahom (Tai) settlers from upper Burma appeared on the scene. No more was there any semblance of a central kingship left. Nor was it to reappear during the subsequent centuries under review. Instead, there persisted a fragmented political system. Several new tribal state formations, as well as a number of petty non-tribal and armed land-controllers (bhuyān/bhaumik) — the latter mostly concentrated in the western and central parts of the region — coexisted side by side.
The Ahoms were an advanced plough-using tribe. Their rudimentary state had at its base not only their own settlements but also the subjugated non-Ahom villages, both settled and shifting. The Ahom nobility had domains allotted to them, and at their head was the king chosen from the royal clan. The king appointed select noblemen to important offices and could dismiss them when necessary. In turn, he was himself appointed and could be removed from office by the council of the great nobles. The adult male population owed the obligation of periodic service to the state. The utilization of the manpower pool was organized by the king with the help of a hierarchy of officers. The latter were entitled to exploit a portion of the mobilized labour for their own private gains.
The Indian sub-continent enclosed by these ranges and the sea, approximately between latitudes 8° N and 37° N and longitudes 61° E and 97° 30' E, contains two broad physical divisions, the Indo-Gangetic plains and the peninsula. The Indo-Gangetic plains cover less than a third of the area of the sub-continent. South of the plains, lies the peninsular block, consisting of series of hills, scarps, plateaus and valleys, interspersed with some sizeable stretches of alluvium, notably, the Gujarat plains, Orissa, coastal Andhra, Tamilnadu and the Kerala coast. The Brahmaputra river made a large bend eastwards after its entry into Bengal. This channel carried its main stream well to the east of Dacca. Until an advanced stage of industrialization is reached in a country, the distribution of its population is likely to be governed by agricultural productivity. In the Indus delta, there was a firmly sited inner port, Thatta, near the head of the delta.
This chapter discusses agrarian relations with land revenue in Deccan and Maharashtra during medieval period. In the medieval western Deccan village, perhaps only the priests were employed by certain specific families under the typical 'jajmāni system. The village assembly called gota, gota sabhā, was presided over by the headman and attended by peasants and balutedārs. From ten to two hundred villages formed a pargana and so on, and each sub-district had one or several hereditary chiefs deśmukhs or desai and hereditary accountants deśpāndes, the former being usually peasant by caste and the latter, as a rule, Brahman. Kings and peshwas of the Marathas as well as preceding Muslim kings of the Deccan used to give waste land as inām to distinguished servants of the state, noted temples, monasteries and mosques, in addition to the hereditary officers of sub-districts and villages.
This chapter discusses significant developments, which occurred in the pattern of trade in early medieval centuries in the expansion of maritime activity in the eastern waters of the Indian Ocean and the China Sea. The presence of Indian traders, and of Indian men of religion as a civilizing force, led not only to a shared common culture, but also an expansion of the textile trade towards the growing markets, to developments of shipbuilding in southern and eastern India, and the entry of Indian merchants into direct trading with China. By 1200 commodities of the maritime trade were mainly carried in two types of vessel, evolved at the eastern and western ends of the trade, and plying almost exclusively within their particular sectors, the dhow and the junk. The expansion of Muslim maritime influence was a process independent of the encroachment on south Asia of Muslim arms, and the great Muslim expansion of the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
Mughal India had the appearance of a vast geographical zone cultivated by myriads of peasants, each with his own separate field. The feature of Indian agriculture was the use of artificial irrigation to supplement rain and flood. Tanks or reservoirs played an important role as sources of irrigation in central India, the Deccan and southern India. In the northern plains, particularly the Upper Gangetic and Indus basins, numerous canals were cut from rivers to furnish irrigation. An important feature of Indian agriculture was the large number of food and non-food crops raised by the Indian peasant. The seventeenth century saw the introduction and expansion of two major crops, tobacco and maize. Horticulture witnessed some important developments during the Mughal period. India produced during the seventeenth century enormous quantities not only of foodgrains, but also of.
In so far as the foreign trade of the Indian sub-continent is concerned, the aspirations and the activities of the Estado da India represented several institutional innovations. As a result of the Portuguese naval watch, at the end of the sixteenth century few Indian ships could venture to east Africa, the Spice Islands, or to China and Japan unless, the shipowners entered into indirect partnerships with Portuguese officials or merchants in Goa. Both the coast of Coromandel and the Gujarat plains in western India produced a wide variety of patterned cotton fabrics which found specialized markets in the islands of south-east Asia. During the eighteenth century, India's foreign trade underwent a considerable expansion as a result of the tripartite participation of the Dutch, English, and the French. It is inconceivable that European trade with India, in general for that matter, could have been sustained on a large scale for any length of time without the discovery of American silver-mines.
There was a fairly uniform pattern of rural industries based on the caste system in the Deccan throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The most important of the urban industries were cotton and silk-weaving. Especially during the 1660s the Dutch merchants on Coromandel were in such a great need of pig-iron, iron bands, iron bars and cannon balls, that they organized a manufactory system of production for these items in their factories. In the first half of the eighteenth century when the Marathas achieved their zenith of power, urban industries in the western Deccan seem to have further developed, and brassworks of Kalyan, ornamental paper and silk-works of Aurangabad, and ordinary paper of Newasa were some of the most reputed. There were several large-scale industries in the Deccan, which were distinct from the ordinary urban industries. These were shipbuilding, diamond mining, and royal factories (karkhanas).
This chapter discusses the standards of living of the ruling classes to the common people in India during sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Owing to the marked division of seventeenth-century Indian society into classes and strata with great differences in income, customs and patterns of consumption, it will be convenient to treat separately the standards of living of the peasantry, the city poor, the middle strata and the nobility. Famine and epidemics were two major scourges in the lives of the villages. The employment of large numbers of servants and attendants by the upper classes was a characteristic feature of Indian society of the time. The upper classes in Mughal India consisted of the nobles, the autonomous chiefs and rajas, and the wealthy merchants in the towns. There were many rich merchants particularly in the coastal towns who rivalled nobles in luxurious living. Mughal centralization led to the growth of a remarkable degree of cultural synthesis among the upper classes.
The economy of the Delhi sultanate seems to be marked by a considerable expansion of the money economy, accelerating particularly during the first half of the fourteenth century. Among the metals, iron ore of an exceptionally high grade was mined in India and was used to produce damascened steel which had a worldwide reputation. Among precious stones, diamonds were mined in the Deccan. The pearl fishery off Tuticorin in south India is described by Marco Polo. The shawl industry of Kashmir had been equally firmly established much before the thirteenth century. The arrival of the ' Saracenic' architecture represented something more than a change in the appearance and design of buildings. Indian metallurgy enjoyed a worldwide reputation in the fashioning of swords. Alā'ud'dīn Khaljī's price-control measures enticed the historian BaranI not only into giving us important price data, but also into reflections as to the factors which govern prices and the relationship between prices and wages.
There was a considerable economic differentiation among the peasantry in the medieval Deccan. The small peasants who held the land below 10 acres or so as well as the village artisans and servants may be regarded as the rural poor. Zamindārs and other large ināmdārs may be regarded as rural aristocrats. Domestic slaves owned by urban residents and government labourers, artisans, ordinary soldiers and the like, may be considered the urban poor. During the eighteenth century in Maharashtra there was a custom for the private as well as government slave to be paid a ser of coarse grains a day per head. Despite a great difference in the standard of living among different classes both in the rural and urban areas, the routine life of the people in the medieval Deccan was marked by a degree of stability in normal times. But this stability was often gravely disturbed by the sporadic famines, wars, and other calamities.
This chapter explores the satires of Persius that are preceded by fourteen choliambic lines. The lines form a single piece and were intended to serve as a prologue, not as an epilogue. The literary texture is also very rich. Several expressions recall the language of Propertius, a repulsive slave-dealer is satirized through a parody of Virgil, and Ennius is directly quoted. This is learned satire for a sophisticated audience; there can be no question of general reform. According to the Vita some lines were removed from Sat. 6 to give the impression of completeness; then the poems were handed over to Caesius Bassus, who produced the first edition. The poet's interest in Stoicism had some bearing on his choice of themes, and it helps to explain his earnest tone and his rather intolerant attitude to human failings.
For centuries the Romans had achieved considerable political sophistication, and that involved public debates with carefully composed speeches. This chapter discusses the genesis of poetry in Rome. The word carmen was adopted by Augustan poets as the generic term for their own compositions. This meaning of poem and poetry was a specialization imposed on a word whose meaning was originally much wider. The most extensive surviving carmen is a prayer quoted by the elder Cato. Early in the nineteenth century, the great German historian Niebuhr, anxious to give a basis to his reconstruction of the early Roman tradition, revived the theory that legends such as that of Horatius or Verginia had been preserved by oral tradition in great families in the form of heroic lays. The ancient Roman custom was to set a man's titulus over his grave. L. Cornelius Scipio Barbatus's consul in 298 BC has epitaphs in Saturnian verse.
Virgil's Aeneid was conceived and shaped as a national and patriotic epic for the Romans of his day. Certainly the Romans hailed it as such, and it rapidly became both a set text in education and the natural successor to the Annales of Ennius as the great poetic exposition of Roman ideals and achievements. One of the fountains of the Aeneid's inspiration was the national aspiration of Rome in Virgil's time; another, of equal if not greater importance, was the epic poetry of Homer. The Iliad and the Odyssey represented in the classical world the highest achievement of Greek poetry, and the admiration universally felt by the Romans for Homer was for the great national poet of the Greek world whose literature they revered. The Olympian deities enabled Virgil to enter in description the mythological world which delighted Ovid in his Metamorphoses.
The misery of the years following Julius' murder are recalled in Virgil's next work, the Georgics, in the magnificent rhetoric of the finale of Book I, 466-514, which represents the chaos as continuing and the young Octavian as the only hope. Seneca said pertinently that Virgil was interested in what could be said most gracefully, not most truthfully, and wrote not to teach farmers but to delight readers. In Virgil the technically didactic matter is eclectic, yet it forms too large a part of the poem for it to be taken as purely symbolic. In the case of a poem whose excellence depends on a variety of features the best, perhaps the only, way of doing justice to it is by a running commentary, in terms of structure. To several sensitive critics the Georgics has suggested a musical composition, a symphony with four movements and various themes enunciated and then harmoniously interwoven.