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This chapter focuses on an important bearing on the shape and unity of Ennius' Annales as a whole. The cult of the Muses was introduced by M. Fulvius Nobilior, who built a Templum Herculis Afusarum to house statues of Hercules Musageta and the Nine Sisters taken with much other booty from what had once been Pyrrhus' palace in Ambracia. The title of Ennius' poem looks immediately to the priestly Annales, yearbooks, instituted by the Pythagorean king Numa Pompilius and kept by the pontifices. Ennius has achieved the rapidity of Homer by using a mixture of dactyls and spondees quite different from that in his tree-felling passage, and by keeping Homer's enjambments, essential to the impetus of a passage describing great and uncontrolled natural forces at large. He is essentially un-Homeric in calling the South Wind spiritus Austri imbricitor, that is Hellenistic baroque.
The beginning of Juvenal's literary career coincided with Martial's later years: the composition of the first satire, which contains a reference to the trial of Marius Priscus in AD 100 was probably contemporaneous with the epigrammatist's retirement to Spain. Juvenal, is less obedient to the rules of his genre and sometimes even anarchic, his language a medley of high and low, his tone contemptuous, and, in any normal sense of the words, unconstructive, negative. Martial never plays the fool, and never makes people think. He is poetic on occasions and the rules remain intact: even Quintilian, perhaps against his will, receives an epigram. Martial is Juvenal's senior, his work covers the twenty years which provided the satirist with the matter for much of his first two books, the twenty-year period during which the satirist still listened. The comparison with Martial's easy life in Spain would hardly be charitable, unless Juvenal's life in Rome were a figment taken from his poetry.
A generation after Seneca's suicide Quintilian composed his survey of Greek and Roman authors, classified by genres. All the authors in Quintilian's survey could be neatly slotted into a traditional genre; Seneca, alone, attempted almost all the genres. Seneca was no more free of extremes in his life than in his writings, and his biography is as dramatic in its vicissitudes as any in the story of Rome. Senecan prose stands to the prose of Cicero or Livy much as pointillism stands to the style of the Old Masters. The Appendix on the tragedies will show that the external evidence concerning Senecan tragedy is minimal, far less than exists for any other dramatic corpus of comparable importance in the history of European literature. Both in ancient and modern times Seneca's personal character has been vilified by some critics.
Internal evidence suggests that Livy began to write his History of Rome in or shortly before 29 BC by which time Octavian, the later Augustus, had restored peace and a measure of stability to the Roman world. Historical activity had flourished at Rome for 200 years before Livy and the project of writing the complete history of the state was not a new one. Livy was, indeed, acquainted with Augustus, who called him a Pompeian, which implied a conservative independence of outlook and he acted as literary adviser to the future emperor Claudius but it is impossible to trace political motives in his writing. In interpreting history in terms of individuals, Livy was following very much in the Hellenistic tradition. Livy's language has been much studied and the publication of a complete Concordance has opened new doors for the appreciation of his verbal sensitivity.
The form of imperial biography established in the second century by Suetonius continued to be followed during late antiquity, and was later adopted as a model by Einhard for his Life of Charlemagne. The Historia Augusta is a collection of lives of emperors from Hadrian to Numerian, dealing not only with reigning emperors, but with co-emperors and pretenders as well. There are thirty biographies in all, some dealing with groups of emperors or pretenders. They are addressed to Diocletian, Constantine and various personages of their period, and purport to have been written at various dates from before 305 till after 324. They are attributed to six authors: Aelius Spartianus, Julius Capitolinus, Vulcatius Gallicanus, Aelius Lampridius, Trebellius Pollio and Flavius Vopiscus. The Confessions were written about 397, in the early years of Augustine's episcopate of Hippo.
The study of rhetoric and the practice of declamation went on throughout the half-century of military anarchy in the third century. Roman emperors had always spent a surprising proportion of their time listening to speeches made by representatives of the Senate and delegates of provinces and cities. Quintus Aurelius Symmachus, known also as Eusebius, belonged to one of the most distinguished senatorial families of Rome. Symmachus well knew that the epistolary genre calls for brevity and compression. Symmachus was the last great Roman orator in the classical tradition and the last senator whose correspondence was collected and published. But both oratory and epistolography found a new place in the life of the Christian church. The needs of Christian communication broke the narrow bounds within which classical epistolography flourished. In the same way the Christian sermon was a new form of oratory.
The De rerum natura of Lucretius represents one of the rarest of literary accomplishments, a successful didactic poem on a scientific subject. Epicureanism was the most conservative of the Hellenistic philosophies, but it was not immune to change and modification. While Lucretius was writing, Epicurean philosophers like Philodemus were busy developing the master's doctrine and attempting to answer the objections of their philosophical opponents. Lucretius was familiar with Philodemus or was in any way influenced by his work. More significant is the poet's relationship with contemporary Stoicism. If the central question in Lucretian criticism is the relationship between poetry and philosophy, then it is important to understand the extent to which Lucretius accurately reflects the spirit of Epicurus. The idea of introducing the old Homeric myth of Venus and Mars may in fact have come to Lucretius from Empedodes, who is said to have used it for the two great forces of love and strife which control the Empedoclean universe.
Literary critics today fall into two broad categories. There are the academics, out to impress their colleagues and instruct their pupils. And there are, in the great tradition of Dryden, creative writers meditating on their craft. In Greece scholars seem to have been called kritikoi before they took over the term grammatikos. With Quintilian the authors come to a professional rhetor, well qualified, as well as inclined, to assess Cicero as well as praise him. Quintilian knew how literary criticism of oratory should be conducted. It is a mark of his sophistication that only recently has scholars approached Cicero in this wide and unprejudiced way. Cicero brought to the theory of oratory a width that it had never known before and was rarely to know again. He thinks often of an ideal orator, who shall have all the qualities of Cicero himself and more besides.
Horace is commonly thought of as a comfortable cheerful figure, well adjusted to society and loyally supporting the Augustan regime. The traditional stereotype is popular and superficial, the two divergent views are represented by several important works of scholarship. This chapter considers Horace's poetry that offers a number of contrasting features, such as public/private, urban/rural, Stoic/Epicurean, grand/plain. It focuses on a critique of the academic dichotomy. The chapter shows how small light poems can be structurally complex, and how within a given ode the style may shift from one level to another. It examines how parodies use solemnity for comic effect, how in a recusatio the grand style can be disavowed and employed at the same time, and how a contrast can be exploited by juxtaposition. Only a small proportion of Odes was written in praise of Augustus and those odes were notably restrained in comparison with the usual type of Hellenistic panegyric.
Columella's Res rustica, 'Agriculture', the fullest treatment of the subject in Latin literature, is a product of wide reading and long personal experience. Pliny is one of the prodigies of Latin literature, boundlessly energetic and catastrophically indiscriminate, wide-ranging and narrow-minded, a pedant who wanted to be a popularizer, a sceptic infected by traditional sentiment, and an aspirant to style who could hardly frame a coherent sentence. The Natural history, dedicated in an unwieldy and effusive preface to the heir apparent Titus, comprises list of contents in relation to medicine, and mineralogy. Frontinus' two surviving works, De aquis and Strategemata, have somewhat limited pretensions to be literature. The De aquisis exactly what it claims to be, a systematic account of the water-supply of Rome. Frontinus asserts that this Strategemata too is practical: the information he has arranged and classified will be of use to generals.
(1) Name. Livius, L. Livius, or Livius Andronicus in extant sources. The name T. Livius (twice in Nonius, once in Jerome) is presumed to be an error due to confusion with the Augustan historian. That he was called L. Livius Andronicus is strictly an inference.
(2) Status and origin. Apparent implication of these tria nomina is that the poet was a Greek by birth, named Andronikos, that somehow he became a slave in the household of a Roman Livius, and that he was manumitted and became a cituis liberrinus with the praenomen Lucius; he might, however, be the son of such a person. Accius in his Didascalica (reported by Cic. Brut. 72 and Jerome, Chron. 187 B.C.) said that he was a native of Tarentum and came to Rome in 209 B.C. when the city was taken by the Romans (Livy 27.15–16; for problems in the Cicero passage see A. E. Douglas, M. Tulli Cicerorus Brutus (Oxford 1966) 62–4); further, that he was granted his freedom by M. Livius Salinator (he has in mind the victor of the battle at the Metaurus in 207 B.C., RE 33), as a reward for teaching his children (cf. Suet. De gramm. et rhet. 1 for A. as teacher)
(3) Career according to Accius. Most circumstantially documented fact in A.'s life is that in 207 B.C. he composed or re-used a ritual hymn to be sung by thrice nine girls in procession; during a rehearsal the temple of Juno Regina on the Aventine was struck by lightning; as an important part of the especially elaborate rite of expiation which the curule aediles ordered, the girls performed A.'s hymn in procession to Juno's temple (Livy 27.37, cf. 31.12).
Quintilian, the leading rhetor, 'teacher of rhetoric', of the Flavian period, fostered and, in his own writing, represented a reaction in literary taste against the innovations of Seneca, Lucan, and their contemporaries. In the long technical sections of Books 3-9 Quintilian attempts mainly to evaluate existing theories rather than to propound new ones: he is flexible and undogmatic. Cicero is his principal model, but he is no thoughtless imitator. Quintilian exercised vast influence on critics and teachers of the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries: he seemed to offer precepts they could accept and ideals they could try to realize. Fronto is a rhetorician, confirmed by an introduction to his projected history of Lucius' Parthian campaigns: he apparently intended to work up Lucius' own notes. The principal interest of the correspondence lies in language and style. Aulus Gellius retails numerous fascinating details of Greek and Roman life, language, and thought, suitably predigested.
The writing of history had different roots, going back to Polybius, Isocrates, and Thucydides. Some of it was merely belles-lettres, designed to give pleasure or to move the emotions harmlessly. In the second century, Arrian of Nicomedia wrote not only a history of Alexander based on reliable contemporary sources, but also a whole series of local or provincial histories. Christians were beginning to write in Greek either on the history of the church or on universal history seen from the Christian point of view. Florus wrote his summary of Roman history from the foundation of the city to Augustus in the books in the reign of Hadrian. Aurelius Victor's compendium dealt only with the history of Rome since Augustus. Ammianus Marcellinus, though writing in Latin, was a Greek, familiar with the living tradition and practice of Greek historiography and welding it together with Roman gravity and sense of tradition to form a new whole.
The Latin epic had come to an end with the generation of Statius, Valerius Flaccus and Silius Italicus at the end of the first century AD. Personal elegy, that peculiarly Roman creation, had ended with Ovid. Annianus' and Serenus' poems on the joys of country life follow neither the pattern of Virgil's Eclogues nor that of Tibullus' elegiac poems, but are written in a variety of metres. The earliest major poem surviving from the fourth century is the Evangeliorum libri by Gaius Vettius Aquilinus Juvencus. Ausonius provides an interesting example of the social mobility which literary distinction could bring in the fourth century. Most of Ausonius' poems are in hexameters or elegiac couplets. Prudentius takes over classical forms in language, metre and figures of speech without the body of classical allusion which traditionally accompanied them. Claudian and Prudentius tried to do something new with a very old and by now rigid literary tradition.
Several major historians, including Aufidius, Servilius, and Pliny, flourished in the century between Livy and Tacitus. Of the historical writing of this period only two representatives survive, Curtius and Velleius. Velleius is much indebted to Livy and Sallust, more to the former, though he sets great store by brevity. Curtius writes volubly, almost precipitately, as if embarrassed by a surplus of material, but he is never in real difficulties. Tacitus never became a classic or school-book in antiquity, for he arrived too late to enter a limited repertoire. As a traditionalist in an age of declining standards he was averse from outline history and scandalous biography, and his brevity defied the tribe of excerptors and abbreviators. In the Agricola, his earliest work, Tacitus amalgamates biography and historical monograph. Tacitus' historical style is a masterful and strange creation, difficult to characterize.
The acting profession came to depend and to thrive on a circuit of musical and dramatic festivals among which Athens was only one of several centres. This chapter looks at the importance of the theatrical traditions of South Italy and Sicily. Andronicus is a major figure in the history of literature as the first to tackle the problems of literary translation. His approach was crucial for the subsequent development of Latin literature. All kinds of Roman drama were far more musical and operatic than Greek. Grammarians drew a distinction between tragoediae, modelled on Greek tragedy, and fabulae praetextae 'Hem-' or 'Robe-plays ', on Roman themes, ancient and modern. This is parallel to the distinction of comoediae and fabulae togatae. Accius, the polemical scholar, the Pergamene rhetorician, the authority on orthography, the head of the college of poets, the historian of the Greek and Roman theatre, and the Hellenistic tragedian evinces a new self-confidence and artistic awareness.
In the history of Latin literature, Apuleius has two main claims to attention. As a philosopher without original genius he is important for his transmission of the ideas of Middle Platonism, and as a writer of fiction he is the author of the Metamorphoses, the one Latin romance to have survived complete from the classical period. The Apologia was a speech of self-defence delivered before the proconsul Claudius Maximus at Sabrata. The extant philosophical works traditionally attributed to Apuleius are De deo Socratis, De Platone et eius dogmate, De mundo and Asclepius. The discussion of Plato's physics is preceded by a hagiographical life, important as preceding the not dissimilar account of Diogenes Laertius. The treatment of physics is faithful to the Timaeus and Republic, but the explanation of ethical tenets owes more to the post-Platonist tradition. Middle Platonism had incorporated Peripatetic and Stoic elements into the developed system, and the later systematization Apuleius misleadingly attributes to Plato himself.