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Modern transport in Iran was first established on a navigable river. During the last decades of the nineteenth century, as British interests gradually pushed the construction of a road towards Shīrāz and Iṣfahān, Bushire was increasingly used as a port for southern Iran, and thus it became a major trading centre. The most outstanding Russian project was the construction in the first years of this century of a road about 200 miles long, from Rasht, near the Caspian Sea, to Tehrān. Rapid communication by telegraph had been available for some time before World War I. A major line, the Indo-European telephone and telegraph system, crossed western and southern Iran. British occupation during World War II, together with the presence of American transport experts, again proved to be beneficial to Iranian transport, the retail trade, and services. There was virtually no war damage, and despite heavy use both railways and roads were improved.
Iranian society occupies a unique situation within the Middle East. The country fulfils the criteria of a recognizable human unit with a culture that has been distinctive for many centuries. Iran has a pronounced physiography. Human settlement in Iran is concentrated on the interior piedmont slopes of the north and west, and it extends through the outer Alburz piedmont to include the southern Caspian coastlands. Climatically, it is fundamentally part of the general Middle Eastern regime, as Iran has wider extremes than are experienced in many other countries of that region. Besides the settled communities there are important groups of nomads and semi-nomads in Iran. In recent times cupidity aroused by Iran's richness in petroleum made this richness a political liability rather than an asset. If we seek to define Iran's function as a state and as a human grouping in terms of a personality, then the country can be said to generate, to receive and transmogrify, and to re-transmit.
Iran's hydrographic problems are compounded by scanty and highly seasonal precipitation, and a surface configuration which tends to concentrate moisture on the periphery of the country. The water surplus of 15 to 70 in. in the highland rim of Iran is seasonal, pertaining only to the winter months. Iran is a desert country with no great rivers. Thus, the discharges of Iranian streams are small, not only as a consequence of seasonal aridity, but also because individual drainage basins nowhere attain great size. Only the Kārūn is navigable for any significant distance. The best-watered regions of Iran, outside of the highlands themselves, are the Caspian coastal plain and Khūzistān. The heart of Iran is a series of enclosed depressions, each having near its centre a large salt flat or salt marsh. The exterior slopes of Iran on the north and east also drain into endoreic basins, so that only one fourth of the entire country sends runoff to the sea.
The avifauna of Iran is similar to that of Europe and a large number of the species found in the latter area also occur in Iran. Before examining the avifauna of Iran in detail, this chapter traces the history of its general ornithology and considers what literature is available on the subject. An attempt is also made to describe in broad outline the various groups of birds in Iran, commenting in particular on those members of each family which do not occur in Europe. Some idea on their status and habitat is also provided. Of the truly pelagic birds, there are representatives in Iran of only three families, the Skuas, Petrels and Shearwaters. Herons abound in Iran where, on the Caspian, the Grey Heron can be found breeding in a colony of tree-nesting Cormorants. Iran is a paradise for wild-fowl, the two great areas of concentration are the Caspian provinces and Sīstān.
The variety and nature of morphological forms in the upland mass that forms Iran are closely determined by the prevailing climate. The massif of Iran rises generally within the Alpine orogenic zone of Eurasia. As regards geomorphology, the watersheds are significant first because of their course, and also because of the specific effects they produce within the general pattern of relief. The inner plateau of Iran may be regarded as divided hydrographically into two parts, by the southerly prolongation of the Caspian drainage system. Effects produced by shrinkage of the Caspian Sea itself are apparent as geomorphological features in the east, particularly in the Atrak valley. The rivers of the Zagros area that have the greatest elaboration of course and volume of water are located in the rainier north-west and west. The sump or kavīr structures are unique in that they possess no exact counterparts in any other region of the world.
Physically, Iran consists of a complex of mountain chains enclosing a series of interior basins that lie at altitudes of 1,000 to 4,000 feet above sea-level. In terms of physical geography, Iran comprises the western and larger portion of a more extensive mountain zone that extends from eastern Asia Minor and the Caucasus as far as the plains of the Punjab. There are four major divisions of the country: the Zagros system, including small outer plains (chiefly the Khūzistān region), which are part of the Mesopotamian and Persian Gulf lowlands; the Alburz and Tālish systems and associated Caspian plain; the eastern and south-eastern upland rim; and the interior central desert basins. Within this broad framework more local and subregional contrasts can be drawn. Whilst in a few instances precise demarcation between the major units is far from straightforward, for the most part the scheme allows easy breakdown into units of distinct geographical significance.
Any classification of the types of human settlement in Iran must be made on a scrupulously genetic basis; and care should be taken to distinguish among the various forms arising at different periods. Several types of rural habitats were prevalent in Iran including ancient village settlements, rural habitat in heavy rainfall-areas on Caspian Sea shores, and rural habitat in the open plains. The qal'eh village is the product of a pastoral civilization that was fraught with insecurity; it reflects the settled people's need to defend themselves, and their cattle, against the repeated incursions of the nomads. A map of the urban network as it is today shows the fundamentally asymmetrical disposition of the towns within Iran, and their relationship both with natural conditions and with the density of the rural population. Cities and towns are numerous in all those regions where rainfall is sufficient for agricultural purposes. They are located in the centre, the east, and the south-east of Iran.
About 129 species of mammals are found in Iran. Iranian fauna is classified as Palearctic species, Endemic species, Indian species, Africa species, and mixed species. Iranian mammals have responded in different ways to the physiological difficulties caused by a dry climate and variations in temperature. Insectivora have not acclimatized well; with the exception of hedgehogs, they are limited in number and variety. Of the domestic animals, Iranian saddle-horses are famous. There are numerous donkeys, and it is claimed that the special breed called "bandari" results from a cross with onagers. The cattle of the Caspian coast are of small stature; bulls (but not cows) have a hump like that of the zebu; Although, Iran is not threatened with the imminent extinction of all her larger fauna, certain species such as the Caspian tiger, are already in the course of disappearing.
Within the period of 1962-4, the Shāh government promulgated a series of decrees aimed at fundamental reform called as the "Six-point Reform". The most significant measures in this reform programme are those concerned with agriculture and the system of land holding. The Land Reform Law of 9 January 1962 contains a total of nine chapters dealing with a multitude of aspects of the reform, from transfer of ownership to the provision of agricultural services. The Law lays down that the maximum land area to be held in absolute ownership by one person is to be one village of six dang. The redistribution of land purchased under the regulations is also governed by the provisions of the law. The apparent success of the early implementation of the Reform Law gave rise to a more far-reaching plan for land reform embodied in the Additional Articles to the Land Reform Law which became generally known as Phase Two.
In Iran, particularly to the south of the Alburz mountains, water is indeed the most precious of commodities. This chapter examines in some detail conditions of water supply and irrigation in one small area of Iran: the rural zone surrounding Mashhad. Here, water is sourced from wells, and from qanāts, and direct from rivers and streams. The qanāt irrigation systems at Bīldār and Kāshif could be held to be generally characteristic of conditions elsewhere in the region, and probably for Iran as a whole. In an effort to minimize costs, the use of electrical power for irrigation pumps is becoming more widely used, since electricity can in certain localities prove cheaper than oil fuel. In the village of Murghānān, water for irrigation is brought direct from the Kāshaf Rūd which lies at a short distance to the south of the village.
In the religious history of Iran the Saljuq period is particularly interesting, for it is the period of the Isma'ills. This chapter devotes to the three main aspects of religious life in Iran during this period: the development of Sunnism, the ferment of Shi'I ideas, and Sufism. The importance of the Saljuq period in the religious history of Iran lies in its formative richness, expressed in various directions of thought: first, Ash'ari Sunnism reached its final systematisation in the great synthesis of Ghazali. Secondly, Sufism was first organized into great brotherhoods, and important schools were created. Thirdly, the philosophy of Suhravardi Maqtul opened up new paths to Iranian theosophical speculation. And fourthly, Shii ferment pullulated in Iran in the double aspect of Isma'Ilism, with its highly interesting esoteric theology, and Twelve Imamism, which, though now comparatively weak, created a wide network of propaganda centres, during the Saljuq period.
The period of Iranian history covered in this discussion began with the rise of the Turkish dynasties of the Ghaznavids and of the Great Saljuqs and ended with the small Iranian or Mongol dynasties which followed and contributed to the fall of the Il-khanid empire. In painting and the decorative arts, if we except the unique but comparatively short-lived art of objects on a broad social base which developed in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the principal novelty of the period consists in the first moments of the known history of Iranian painting. Mutatis mutandis and without in any way suggesting a relation of cause and effect between the two traditions, it may be suggested that Iranian painting of the fourteenth century stands toward later painting in the same relationship as Giotto and the Intenational Style stand to the Italian Quattrocentro.
This chapter discusses three periods in the socio-economic history of Iran during the Mongol dominion, ranging from the twenties of the thirteenth century to the eighties of the fourteenth century. In the Middle Ages invasions by conquering nomads of cultivated settled areas were normally devastative. The Saljuq conquest of Iran was accompanied by pillage and destruction. The destructive nature of the invasion of Khurāsān by the Oghuz of Balkh in the fifties of the twelfth century is notorious. The Mongol conquest took an equally heavy toll in Tabaristān (Māzandarān). The reforms of Ghazan and the temporary transfer of a leading political role in the State from the nomad Mongol-Turkish aristocracy to the Iranian civil bureaucracy made some economic improvement possible, especially in agriculture. The Mongol conquest had a great and in general evil influence on the economic development of Iran; it had much less influence on the social structure of the country.
In this brief examination of the internal structure of the Saljuq Empire the author has attempted to show that nothing, religious or temporal, lay outside the care and concern of the sultan. Ghazali's new definition of the relationship between the sultanate and the caliphate was an attempt to authorize the sultan's government. The Saljuqs, who had started out as the leaders of a tribal migration, were gradually transformed, partly under the influence of Ghazali and Nizam al-Mulk, into the rulers of a centralized state. The main features of the new organization of state-notably the structure of the divan, the iqtac system, and the close connexion between the assessment of taxes and the levy of troops-are also to be found in the Safavid and Qajar periods. Through the officials of the divan, the muqta's and provincial governors, the officials of the religious institution, and local officials, the sultan came into contact with all aspects of the life of his people.
The Mongol invasion of Persia, which began in 1220, together with the subsequent fall of the Baghdad caliphate and the killing of the last ‘Abbāsid caliph, al-Musta‘sim billāh, brought the entire Muslim world and especially Persia face to face with unexpected and formidable problems. The Mongol invasion, then, strengthened the non-Muslim communities in Persia. At the time of the Mongol invasion two tariqas had a predominant influence in Iran: the Kubrāviyya in the East and the Suhravardiyya in the West. In the history of religion in Iran, the Mongol period is important for a number of reasons. First, it saw a strengthening of Shī‘sm as a consequence of the fall of the ‘Abbāsid caliphate, and this was accompanied by a proportionate mitigation of the Shī‘ī-Sunnī dispute, the appearance within Shī‘sm of trends towards Shī‘sm, and a leaning towards a certain tashayyu' hasan ("moderate" Shī‘sm) in Sunni circles. And finally, Shī‘sm made particularly noteworthy progress, especially in its doctrinal tendencies.
Throughout the Middle Ages a succession of Muslim scholars worked along two lines, one of which led them to generalize the concept of a number. The second can be thought of as an examination of the nature of euclidean geometry which, in modern times, culminated in the appearance of the various non-euclidean geometries. Of the latter, only the first faint foreshadowing occurred in Saljuq and Mongol Iran. Saljuq and Mongol times are to be regarded as a period of consolidation in trigonometry rather than one of innovation. In antiquity a few individuals, notably Aristotle and Seneca, had attempted explanations of rainbow formation, but with little success. That these achievements were of a lesser order than those of Archimedes, and that their consequences were incomparably less significant than the scientific breakthrough which followed the work of Newton and Leibniz is perhaps irrelevant. The scientists of Saljuq and Mongol Iran were the best of their age.