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2112011 results in Journals

Page 27 of 105601

  • Semantic Binding of Long-Distance Anaphor Caki in Korean

  • Chung-hye Han, Dennis Ryan Storoshenko
  • Journal:
    Language / Volume 88 / Issue 4 / December 2012
    Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    19 February 2026, pp. 764-790

  • In this article, we consider the binding-theoretic status of the Korean long-distance anaphor caki. While caki has been called a long-distance anaphor, in reality its antecedent can be found locally as well as at a distance. It can also have a non-c-commanding antecedent, and an antecedent from a previous sentence. Though there are many different approaches to caki, what is apparent is the generalization that caki must be coindexed with an NP/DP if there is a possible antecedent in the syntax. We take this one step further and show that caki must be bound if there is a possible binder in the semantics, using examples where caki is bound by implicit arguments coming from reportative evidential and generics/modals. We argue that this generalization is best captured if caki is seen as a bound variable requiring a semantic binder, and demonstrate how this bound-variable analysis can provide a unified account for local, long-distance, and discourse-bound instances of caki, as well as instances of caki with a non-c-commanding antecedent and those bound by an implicit argument. The residual cases where caki has no possible semantic binder are treated as instances of exempt anaphora, free variables, the felicity of which are subject to discourse conditions.

  • On Agent Nominalizations and Why They are Not Like Event Nominalizations

  • Mark C. Baker, Nadya Vinokurova
  • Journal:
    Language / Volume 85 / Issue 3 / September 2009
    Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    19 February 2026, pp. 517-556

  • We consider agent-denoting nominalizations like the finder of the wallet, contrasting them with the better-studied action/event-denoting nominalizations. We show that in English, Sakha, and Mapudungun, agent-denoting nominalizations can have none of the verbal/clausal features that event-denoting nominalizations often have: they cannot contain adverbs, voice markers, aspect, or negation. The one apparent exception to this generalization is that (only) Sakha allows accusative-case objects in agentive nominalizations, but we show that this is due to Sakha's special rule of accusative case assignment, not to a difference in the structure. We explain these restrictions by saying that agentive nominalizers have a semantics like that of a Voice head (Kratzer 1996). Given this, the natural order of semantic composition implies that agentive nominalizers, like Voice, must combine directly with a bare VP. We conclude by presenting the results of a seventy-eight-language survey, confirming that human languages in general avoid clause-like syntax inside agentive nominalizations, although it is permitted in reduced relative clauses, which may look superficially similar.

Page 27 of 105601