The objectives of this study were to obtain a deeper understanding of the donor behavior characteristics of young affluent individuals; and to ascertain whether young affluent women differed significantly from young affluent males in their approaches to philanthropy. Two hundred and seventeen investment bankers, accountants, and corporate lawyers, aged under 40 years, earning more than £50,000 annually and working in the City of London were questioned about their attitudes and behavior in relation to charitable giving. Significant differences emerged between the donor behavior characteristics of males and females. A conjoint analysis revealed that whereas men were more interested in donating to the arts sector in return for “social” rewards (invitations to gala events and black-tie dinners, for example), women had strong predilections to give to “people” charities and sought personal recognition from the charity to which they donated.

In the article, we analyse the impact of changing policy environments on the development of the third sector in Europe. Based on the results of systematic comparative research in eight European countries (Austria, Croatia, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain and the UK), we identify commonalities and differences. In a three-step analysis, we examine policy changes, effects on the third sector and responses by third sector organizations (TSOs) in the social domain. Overall, the third sector in Europe has proven resilient. However, not only have public and private funding decreased, the process for acquiring such funding has become more demanding for TSOs, as have requirements to be accountable. There are signs of a proliferation of more market-based, hybrid organizations. Despite this general trend towards marketization, the impact of policy changes varies across Europe with TSOs being better equipped to adapt and survive in countries where collaborative ties between the state and the third sector have traditionally been strong.

This paper reviews the methodological issues raised by different commentators' attempts to categorise countries' social security systems into ‘regime types’ or ‘models’. It is argued that there are two major problems with these categorisations: (1) the difficulty of finding empirical counterparts to the theoretical concepts used; (2) the complexity of actual social security systems, arising in particular from the diversity of benefits within each system. Despite these problems, we argue that it is possible to maintain a theoretically-informed approach to the comparative analysis of social security, by adopting a more flexible methodology. The approach presented in this paper identifies some of the main principles on which social security systems are based, specifies their empirical counterparts, and allows each national system to be analysed in terms of its particular conjunction or combination of principles.

The nature of partisan divisions in the West has been a continuing source of controversy for several decades. This article seeks to improve our understanding of those divisions by examining how Western parties have changed their positions on major domestic policy issues in recent decades. The research employs longitudinal data developed through content analysis on the parties of ten Western nations: Australia, Austria, France, Great Britain, Italy, Japan, New Zealand, Sweden, the United States, and West Germany. Analysis of the data shows that, as expected, partisan divisions have declined in almost all of the party systems, although the decline has unexpectedly been accompanied by a slight tendency toward leftward movement, belying suggestions of a “conservative turn” in Western politics. The paper also considers the possibility that new issues may develop to supplant the declining traditional issues. The paper concludes that a revival of pronounced partisan divisions is unlikely, but that a revival probably is not necessary for the continued viability of Western parties.

Focusing on selected “Western” conceptions of democracy, we expose and normatively evaluate their conflictual meanings. We unpack the white democracy of prominent ordoliberal Wilhelm Röpke, which comprises an elitist bias against the demos, and we discuss different assessments of his 1964 apologia of Apartheid South Africa. Our critical-historical study of Röpke's marginalized meaning of democracy traces a neglected anti-democratic continuity in his work that is to be contextualized within wider elitist (neo)liberal discourses: from his critique of Nazism in the 1930s to the defense of Apartheid in the 1960s. We provide an alternative, marginalized meaning of democracy that draws on Marxist political science. Such a meaning of democracy helps explain why liberal democratic theory is ill-equipped to tackle anti-democratic tendencies re-emerging in liberal-democratic polities.

The Hunger Games has become a pop culture phenomenon. To a greater extent than many of the other books in the young adult fiction genre, The Hunger Games series has themes relevant to the study of politics. This study explores the usefulness of The Hunger Games trilogy for teaching and learning about international relations. In particular, I examine The Hunger Games in relation to major paradigms of international relations and normative issues related to war. As a series rooted in conflict in the arena and more broadly in Panem, the trilogy raises a number of questions relevant to the study of war, peace, and justice.

Scholarly literature on cross-sectoral collaboration is rich, but incomplete as most studies tend to overlook nuances across different service categories. Though many studies confirm that collaboration may vary by specific service type, very few ask how and why? This study contributes to this area of inquiry by exploring these questions in the context of nonprofit-local government collaboration in a developing country in which nonprofit organizations play a major role in public service delivery, expanding analysis beyond the traditional western settings that dominate current scholarship. Analyzing a unique dataset of survey responses from 223 Lebanese nonprofit managers, we find that local-nonprofit collaboration likelihood does indeed vary by the nonprofit’s service focus. This is consistent with existing scholarship. Further, we extend the analysis to examine whether and how a set of underlying features that shape collaboration vary by service category. Patterns emerge to explain the association between the service category and perceptions of weak institutional features in the collaboration landscape. We offer explanations for these findings, drawing on specific characteristics of selected services and the mechanisms through which they could influence collaboration and its dynamics.

Proportional methods are used either for apportioning seats to states in proportion to their respective populations, or for allocating seats to lists in proportion to their respective scores in a poll. A family of such methods has been extensively studied and used. We generalize them as ‘multiplicative methods’, and show that there is another family, ‘additive methods’, that generalizes the greatest remainders method. We define a property of ‘regularity’, characterized by additive methods but not by multiplicative methods, thus showing that most of the methods now used are open to manipulation.

Political participation can take shape in many types of participation, between which the overlap is low. However, the similarities and differences between various types of participants are surprisingly understudied. In this article, I propose to differentiate between four types of participants: institutional political participants, non-institutional political participants, civic participants, and political consumers. These types differ from each other on two dimensions: whether they are political or publicly oriented and whether they are formally or informally organized. Building on the matching hypothesis, I argue that we should differentiate those four types of participants by their outlook on society (societal pessimism, political trust, and social trust). Using data from the European Social Survey 2006, including participants from 19 countries, logistic regressions show that institutional political participants trust politics rather than people, non-institutional political participants are societal pessimists who trust other people, civic participants are societal optimists who trust other people, and political consumers are pessimists who do not trust politics.

Despite assertions about the ubiquity of coalition behavior in politics, theories of coalition formation have not usually been tested on data pertaining to the legislative process. The paper explores advantages and shortcomings of existing coalition theory for studying law-making in a multi-party parliamentary democracy with highly cohesive parties, using Denmark as the test case. All passed government bills 1953–1970 are studied in terms of the size and composition of the winning coalitions and policy area of bills. In all cabinet periods a certain number of bills are passed by minimal majorities, but most are not, indicating that minimal majority behavior is not a principal strategy in law-making. However, the traditional left-right model of the Danish party system is very successful in accounting for the coalitions formed. Classification of bills into policy areas also shows considerable variation with respect to levels of conflict, with taxation as the most conflict-generating area. The findings suggest that if we are ultimately to understand the significance of coalition behavior in politics, it is imperative that we relax strict rationalistic behavior assumptions and concentrate efforts on developing ways for systematic study of the content and perceived consequences of decisions made by winning coalitions.

This article analyzes a period usually neglected in empirical studies of public opinion and European integration: the formative years between the early 1950s and the late 1960s. The analysis is based on one country – Italy – in which the European process was a source of deep political cleavage in the formative phase. The study of the sources and dynamics of support in these years sheds a different light on the determinants of support. More specifically, a pooled multivariate logistic analysis of six surveys conducted between 1952 and 1970 shows two things. First, it shows that public support in Italy was driven mostly by considerations that were affective and political rather than economic and utilitarian. Second, it explains under which conditions the political factors behind support (and opposition) for European integration in the 1950s and 1960s changed over time, mostly in reactions to international events and to developments in European institutionalization. The article points to the bottom‐up nature of change in public support for European integration; changes in public opinion affected party positions, rather than vice versa.

The exponential growth of the Internet - or World Wide Web - was heralded, in the 1990s, as revolutionising the production and dissemination of information. It has stimulated a great deal of discussion, debate and experimentation. Far-ranging discussions concern both the political implications of the Internet for access to knowledge and its ramifications for teaching subjects such as politics and related fields.

To fulfil their role, non-profit organizations (NPOs) need sufficient capacities. These include, first and foremost, financial capacity. EU Cohesion Policy commands financial resources of 351.8 bn. EUR. The EU is also willing to support NPOs from this source. With such considerable funding, the research questions arise: How much money have NPOs received? What are the effects of such assistance on the financial capacities of NPOs? On a sample of 2715 non-profit organizations in the Czech Republic, we have found that EU subsidies have a positive impact on financial capacities, measured as real assets. It is caused by using EU funds for investment. We have not proved an effect on short-term financial capacities measured on revenues. Moreover, the distribution of financial support among PBOs is unequal as 4% of NPOs collected 80% of subsidies due to differences in skills among NPOs’ managers.