Democracy seems to be inextricably linked to crisis. This is true since the ancient writings of Plato and Aristotle. More recently, the debate over the crisis of democracy goes on under the heading of “postdemocracy.” This article addresses the question of whether the crisis of democracy is an invention of theoretically complex but empirically ignorant theorists who adhere to an excessively normative ideal of democracy, on three levels: first, on the level of quality of democracy indices developed by experts; second, on the basis of the survey reports on the opinion of the demos; third, on a deeper analyses of crucial spheres of democracy. The results hint in different directions. According to expert indices and polls, the message is: there is no crisis of democracy. However, the partial analyses on participation, representation, and effective power to govern reveal unresolved democratic challenges, such as an increasing level of exclusion of the lower third of the demos from participation, an inferior representation of their interests, and a loss of democratic sovereignty in policy making.

We investigate social innovation adoption and extend instrumental factors of adoption intention by including non-instrumental factors. We argue that, from a market-based perspective, conventional innovation adoption models based on instrumental factors do not fully consider specific characteristics of social innovations. Our objective is to improve the explanatory power of conventional adoption models by including symbolic, emotional, and motivational factors as non-instrumental factors. We conducted two empirical studies in which we investigated younger adults’ adoption intentions regarding time-bank-based senior cooperatives. The results extend the findings of conventional adoption research and show that explanatory power can be substantially improved by including non-instrumental factors. The results contribute to the understanding of social innovation adoption and indicate limited generalizability of conventional innovation adoption research to social innovations. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.

The early weeks of 2001 witnessed I an outburst of mass protest in the Czech Republic. The conflict was triggered by journalists employed by the public television company ČT (Čská Televize), yet quickly escalated to become a major political crisis. This 'Television War’ had begun in late December 2000, with journalists voicing their oppOSition to the appointment of ČT's new director, Jiři Hoda. In an attempt to force Hoda's dismissal, the staff went on strike, occupied the newsroom and even started broadcasting unauthorised news programmes. At the height of a conflict lasting almost six weeks, all newsrelated ČT programmes were suspended. The citizens of Prague supported the strike by providing the journalists with food. Hundreds of thousands of people eventually took to the streets against the new ČT management and the politicians who had appointed them.

What was this TeleviSion War all about? At first glance, the journalists were simply opposing the staffing policies of the Supervisory Board for Radio and Television Broadcasting, a body consisting of nine members of Parliament.

This paper, based on a primary sample survey over 1925 earning individuals in the cities of Kolkata, Cuttack and Bengaluru, examines how the individual and household characteristics influence the acts of giving in urban India. The regression results indicate income, family size and property ownership affecting likelihood and extent of giving. Likelihood to give is more with females, though males tend to donate more. There exists threshold income beyond which likelihood to donate is less. Characteristics like age, education, dependency ratio and marital status influence certain acts of giving. As the opportunity cost of non-cash giving increases with the rise in income, cash donations substitute non-cash giving. There also prevails complementarity in the acts of giving. On behavioral front, in addition to work–life balance and pledging, the notion of rational choice seems to be gaining ground.

This article argues that democracy requires citizens to have confidence that their interests and concerns will be seriously considered by their elected representatives. Drawing on a case study of one municipality, the ability of citizens in small communities to have local issues considered by Council was examined. The nature of the municipality, the Council structure, and the ethos that required Councilors to take a “corporate” view of representation—representing the municipality as a whole rather than any particular community—were all factors limiting citizens' confidence that their concerns would be taken seriously by Council. This shortcoming in democracy at the local level is only partially offset by the municipality's Community Consultative Bodies. These aim to allow local communities to bring their issues before Council, however they operate unevenly and in parts of this municipality and in many other municipalities do not exist at all.

Echoing the call for ‘no taxation without representation’, the development of modern taxation went hand‐in‐hand with Western democratisation. However, taxation appears to have lost its role in the third wave of democratisation. Unlike early democratisers, contemporary autocracies tend to introduce a ready‐made modern taxation system before democratisation. With advice from international organisations, the value added tax (VAT), which mature democracies innovated, has been adopted for economic adjustment and development in globalised markets. Despite these divergences, it is argued in this article that a fundamental relationship between taxation and representation remains. Taxation inherently involves a social contract between revenue‐seeking rulers and citizens, and thus involves their bargaining over representation. Therefore, the production of state revenue intervenes in contemporary democratisation as well. By factoring in the effect of the VAT in 143 developing countries between 1960 and 2007, an entropy‐balancing analysis has confirmed its important role in contemporary democratisation. The taxation‐democratisation linkage has travelled from early to contemporary democratisation.

This article reframes the traditional view of Persian rhetoric as merely a derivative of Arabic tradition by examining its development through four key manuals: Muhammad ibn ʿUmar Rādūyānī’s Tarjumān al-Balāgha, Rashīd al-Dīn Vatvāt’s Hadāʾiq al-Sihr, Shams-i Qays-i Rāzī’s al-Muʿjam, and Sayf-i Jām-i Hiravī’s Jāmiʿ al-Sanāyiʿ. It is an exploration of the historical and cultural contexts in which these works were composed, highlighting how Persian rhetoricians adapted and reshaped Arabic models as part of a broader movement toward literary autonomy. By foregrounding these dynamics, the article offers a fresh perspective on the reciprocal relationship between Arabic and Persian rhetorical traditions. Particular attention is given to Tarjumān al-Balāgha as a seminal effort to Persianize rhetorical tradition, in which Rādūyānī adapts and reconfigures Arabic concepts to lay the groundwork for a distinct Persian literary identity, and to Jāmiʿ al-Sanāyiʿ, which subsequently consolidates this project into a coherent and comprehensive Persian framework. Together, these works mark pivotal moments in the trajectory of Persian rhetorical thought and reflect broader cultural and intellectual currents in the medieval Islamicate world.

Examining the record of Green parties that have been involved in government at national level, two distinct pictures emerge. While the electoral fortunes of Green parties in East‐Central Europe sharply declined after their stint in government, Green parties in Western Europe on the whole have not fared badly, with most experiencing gains in support. This article seeks to address the variety of factors that could account for different Green electoral fortunes. Among the approaches considered are economic voting, environmental issue salience, portfolio allocation, policy impact and strategic voting. While economic and environmental background factors clearly were important in the East‐Central European cases, they are less useful in explaining variation between the West European experiences. The ability of Greens to improve their perceived policy competence and the profile of their leading politicians has helped them benefit from a period in office. Most crucially, Greens can benefit from strategic voting where a Green vote comes to represent support for the government as a whole. The main conclusion is that there are two paths to post‐incumbency success: either Greens try to remain distant from taking full government responsibility, thus deflecting any electoral costs of incumbency, or they embrace government and the chance of demonstrating their competence fully to survive or fall with the government as a whole.

The ERC has been a pivotal innovation in the set of funding instruments that the European Commission has established for fostering research and innovation in the European Union. With more than 8000 projects funded so far, it is worth asking about empirical evidence regarding the ERC’s specific impact on the social sciences. This article provides some basic data, along with descriptive statistics, on the social scientists who have been sitting on ERC evaluation panels, and on ERC-funded research projects from the social sciences. The article ends with a discussion of the data and poses questions for further investigations.

Previous research has shown that experiential knowledge plays an important role for service user movements and has also discussed ambiguities in the definition of this type of knowledge. This study contributes to clarifying how experiential knowledge is understood within the service user movement. Through semi-structured interviews, it explores how Swedish mental health service user organisations (MHSUOs) and service user entrepreneurs (SUEs) regard the role of experiential knowledge for their endeavours. The study shows that SUEs and MHSUOs view experiential knowledge as complementary to established medical and expert knowledge. Both groups further reflect on the functions of individual and collective dimensions of experiential knowledge. Emotions are important in conveying experiential knowledge, although emotional commitment can be short-lived. The study discusses challenges for SUEs and MHSUOs in developing strategies to manage risks tied to strategic essentialism, and also in maintaining a critical standpoint towards established service providers.

This article traces the history of Ford's involvement in population work in South Asia from the 1950s to the mid-1980s. The primary focus is on the transition from large-scale technical assistance programmes rooted in government and academe, to work with grass-roots women's groups and community-based non-governmental organisations (NGOs). In the process, the Foundation also moved from quantitative efforts designed primarily to distribute contraceptives, to a more holistic approach focusing on maternal and child health. The article concludes by relating these trends to a larger shift from a belief in the power of ‘disinterested expertise’ and university-based policymaking that marked the efforts of the major American foundations since the Progressive era, to a new emphasis on ‘self-interested expertise’ and grass-roots social activist and development NGOs that emerged in the 1970s. Changing development paradigms, political trends and a growing disillusionment with large-scale technical assistance all contributed to this transition.