This article examines how a social venture transitions from nascent to formal status and argues that the transformation of the organization set in motion by establishing formal boundaries is a deeply profound one. Drawing from the nonprofit and social entrepreneurship literature on what prompts and energizes individuals to initiate new not-for-profit ventures, and linking it to a notion of revolutionary crisis as organizations emerge and develop, we seek to illuminate and explore the tension, and its consequences, between nonprofit entrepreneurs and the organization they create as the new venture transitions from nascent to formal. We do this by presenting the results from an in-depth case study examining the gestation and boundary-forming phases of Robert’s Place Cooperative, a plucky start-up cooperative in a midsize Midwestern city.

The survey covers the rapidly growing body of literature on party-support models estimated on time series data for elections and popularity polls. The movements in the popularity of the parties are explained by their government participation and, mainly, the economic conditions as measured by the standard macroeconomic indicators. Sections 1 and 4 present the central qualitative findings and ideas of about 50 of the most important articles and conclude that the economic indicators explain around 1/3 of the variations in the party popularities; the main drawback of the models is their lack of stability. The remaining Sections—2 and 3—discuss the theory behind the models and some of the theoretical implications of the findings. That is, the problems involved in an adequate representation of the political factors; the time horizons at play; the relations to the micro theory of voting and the social welfare function; the formations of the expectations relevant and how people perceive the economy.

L'École Nationale d'Administration was established by ordonnance on October 9, 1945. Michel Debré, the architect of the ordonnance, wanted to change the previous system of recruitment and training of higher civil servants in France in two major ways. The first was a political change implying an increase in democracy and equality both for society at large and for the French civil service in particular. The second change was of a more technical nature and provided for a standardization of qualifications for all higher civil servants, a standardization however, at a qualitatively high level. The political aims of the 1945 reform proved difficult to achieve; despite subsequent tinkering, the degree of democratization and standardization of the higher civil service remains doubtful.

As far as the technical aspects of the reform are concerned, however, ENA reached, indeed surpassed, the target initially set. Few people doubt the quality of the civil servants ENA turns out. And yet the upshot of ENA's insistence on a high level of factual knowledge coupled with intensive training has been the creation of an elite more likely to collaborate directly with ministers than to provide an efficiently functioning administration. Whether the ENA can therefore be termed a civil service college rather than a training ground for the exercise of power remains a debatable question.

This paper raises two questions. Do donors to nonprofit organizations care about whether nonprofit organizations pursue commercial activities? Do donors more approve commercial activities that are related to or advance the mission of a nonprofit organization than those commercial activities that do not? The paper uses data collected from donors and volunteers with one human services nonprofit organization in the United States. The principal conclusions are two. Most donors and volunteers have little interest in the sources of nonprofit organizations’ funds. Among the relatively small percentage of donors and volunteers who attend to use of commercial activities, the use of activities that are consistent with or advance the organization’s mission is approved, and the use of commercial activities that do not advance the mission is relatively disapproved.

A prominent explanation of widespread popular support for referendums is dissatisfaction with the functioning of representative democracy. In this article, the aim is to gain a better understanding of how dissatisfaction affects support for referendums. Drawing on previous research, it is argued here that citizens follow a problem‐based approach in their support for referendums, in that referendums are considered a suitable solution to address some specific problems in a political system but not all. Survey data from the 2012 European Social Survey (29 countries; N = 37,070) is used to show that citizens’ expectations towards and evaluations of representatives relate to support for referendums. In particular, dissatisfaction with the ability of governments to listen to their citizens is associated with higher support for referendums. In contrast, citizens dissatisfied with the government's ability to lead are less supportive of referendums. Furthermore, the relationship between dissatisfaction with governments’ ability to listen varies across countries depending on the level of experience with decision making via referendum. In countries where referendums are used more often, the expectation of referendums being able to solve the problem of unresponsive government is weaker. This study offers important insights into the different ways in which preferences and evaluations of representative practices relate to popular support for referendums.

The Norwegian programme of electoral research was introduced at the Storting Election of 1957 by Stein Rokkan and Henry Valen. Except for the election of 1961, the programme also covers all subsequent Storting elections, which are held regularly every fourth year. The programme has at all times been located at the Institute for Social Research in Oslo. But in 1958, when Rokkan moved to Bergen, the Chr. Michelsen Institute and later the University of Bergen became partners in the programme (until 1966).

A previous article in this journal presented a conceptualisation of the political legitimacy of the state and its operationalisation for 72 countries c. 2000. This article provides an updated dataset of state legitimacy for 52 countries c. 2008 using the same conceptualisation. It presents a brief discussion of the comparative results of the two datasets.

War and armed conflict — War crimes — Foreign amnesty laws — Scope — Effect of foreign amnesties on prosecution under Dutch law — War crimes committed in Second Liberian Civil War — Aiding and abetting commission of war crimes

International criminal law — Liberian amnesty scheme — Whether amnesty precluding prosecution before Dutch courts — Institution of Transitional Government and conclusion of Comprehensive Peace Agreement — Passing of Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act — Whether amnesty law applicable after conclusion of Comprehensive Peace Agreement and passing of Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act — Whether foreign amnesties limiting scope of Dutch criminal jurisdiction — Double criminality as requirement to prosecute war crimes committed abroad — Whether foreign amnesty removing double criminality — Double criminality assessed at time of commission of offence — Amnesty taking place after time of commission of offence — Consequences of recognition of foreign amnesties on sovereignty of Dutch State — Whether other grounds of immunity from prosecution applying — Whether Liberian amnesty could be equated with acquittal, discharge from prosecution on point of law, judicial pardon or conviction followed by full execution of penalty, pardon or debarring of execution of penalty due to expiry of limitation period — Whether defendant having legitimate expectation not to be prosecuted — Lack of promise by Public Prosecution Service

Jurisdiction — Criminal law — War crimes — Jurisdiction of Dutch courts — Whether foreign amnesties limiting scope of Dutch criminal jurisdiction — Consequences of recognition of foreign amnesties on sovereignty of Dutch State — Limitation of jurisdiction by exceptions recognized in international law — Whether amnesty such an exception — Whether immunity from prosecution applying — The law of the Netherlands

In this article, we present an inventory of the published articles in two German political science journals: the Politische Vierteljahresschrift (PVS) and the Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft (ZPol, formerly Jahrbuch für Politik) from 1960 to 2003 and from 1994 to 2003, respectively. Our focus is on the methodological orientations of the articles and the coverage of thematic subfields of political science. The resulting analysis shows that until the 1990s, German political science (as presented in these journals) was mainly non-comparative, non-quantitative, theoretical and inward-oriented. For one of the two journals, this long-term trend has significantly changed since the 1990s.

We examine if the presence of minority individuals in the community affects the decision to give to charities by majority individuals. We focus on two giving decisions by the majority population. The first is giving to any charitable organization; the second is giving to organizations geared to international causes. We also examine these two decisions when the sample is split into religious and non-religious individuals. We find that the larger the proportion of minorities in a given community, the less likely that members of the majority group give to charity in general—supporting the idea that heterogeneous communities deter outreach—but the more likely they are to give to international causes, giving credence to Allport’s ‘contact’ hypothesis.

Social integration is a critical predictor of health and wellbeing for older people, yet limited research examines how older people experiencing homelessness navigate social integration and what their needs are. This study explores how 20 older adults with lived experiences of homelessness and housing precarity perceive and experience social integration in an independent housing setting with on-site support. Additionally, it aims to identify the factors that facilitate and promote social integration for this population. Drawing on semi-structured lifecourse interviews and photovoice sessions, reflexive thematic analysis identified four key themes: (1) From isolation to inclusion: narratives on social integration; (2) Space, place and social integration; (3) Unlocking pathways to deep and meaningful social interactions; and (4) Navigating social integration: the vital role of autonomy and choice. The findings reveal that social integration exists along a continuum. While some participants valued solitude and independence, others actively sought meaningful connections, or occupied a middle ground, engaging in casual interactions. Social integration was influenced by three factors: the built and natural environment, opportunities for deep and meaningful interactions, and individual autonomy and choice. These findings add to the knowledge and debate surrounding the definition of social integration and its contributory factors, especially for older adults with experiences of homelessness and housing precarity. The study underscores the need for different housing models and environments to accommodate and cater across the social integration continuum, ensuring that everyone can find their place within the community and engage in a way that feels comfortable and fulfilling for them.

Although there is substantial literature demonstrating evidence of a positive association between volunteerism and well-being, this relationship is under-explored among specific types of volunteerism, including in child welfare roles. This cross-sectional quantitative study used a sample of 302 volunteers in the role of “Host Families” from Safe Families for Children to explore whether six dimensions of well-being are associated with volunteering in child welfare or any specific type of motivation. Results demonstrate mixed evidence of significant associations between volunteering, well-being, and motivation. However, the results show there is no apparent decrease in the well-being of the child welfare volunteers. Rather, they are healthy, happy, and satisfied with life despite the cultural belief that child welfare work is distressing. Additionally, this study offers reliable options for operationalizing well-being and motivation. This may promote improved opportunities for accurate comparisons between future studies investigating volunteerism.

It has been argued that the Irish party system can best be accounted for in terms of the “Lipset–Rokkan centre–periphery concept”. This paper questions this view and presents evidence to the contrary. Cleavages in the Irish social structure were not frozen into the party system that emerged in the post-independence period. In terms of the widely accepted typologies of Western European political development Ireland constitutes a deviant case. As such it deserves more attention.

Recently, increasing numbers of nonprofit studies have used experiments to understand individuals’ charitable giving decisions. One significant gap between experimental settings and the real world is the way in which individuals earn the incomes that they use for charitable donations. This study examined the relationship between individuals’ income sources and their charitable giving decisions. To do so, we conducted a laboratory experiment with 188 college students and asked them to donate with windfall money or with money earned from a real task, respectively. The findings showed that participants donated more to charities if their funds derived from windfall gains. Implications for conducting experiments and motivating donors are also discussed.

As the primary emphasis in international climate politics has shifted from the agenda of mitigation of to that of adaptation to global warming, this introduction describes the UN COP15 summit in Copenhagen as the symbolic turning point towards what is conceptualised as the politics of unsustainability. The article sketches the meaning of the concept, provides a common framework for the more detailed analyses that follow and outlines the research agenda for the symposium that is portrayed here.

This article explores architectural space in residential care in Sweden during the Covid-19 pandemic, when residential care was subject to spatial strategies. Community, which is at the heart of the predominant collective care model and underpins the design of architectural space, was identified as a potential source of contagion and thus restricted by spatial measures. Lefebvre’s spatial triad is the theoretical backbone of this study. The research design is an intuitive enquiry and qualitative data collection methods include interviews, observations and analysis of drawings. The lived space of staff and residents is primarily investigated in semi-structured individual interviews, and there is particular focus on their experiences of spatial strategies. Findings show that the collective care model and residents’ everyday lives changed significantly when the virus entered residential care, creating a different lived space. The most common spatial strategies were isolation, social distance and managing movements in line with existing research. These were enacted in existing spatial conditions. The study findings challenge the value of community in the collective care model. For instance, the staff found it very awkward to isolate the residents in their flats, whereas the residents themselves did not view life during the pandemic as very different from normal, everyday life. The findings also challenge the relevance of the architectural models that are in use today. The article concludes that it is necessary to develop new architectural models, a caring architecture in which handling epidemics is less strenuous, and where residents’ diverse wishes can better be met.